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Дража Михаиловић ипак добио улицу, али у Десимировцу / Draža Mihailović ipak dobio ulicu, ali u Desimirovcu / "Politika" Nov. 8, 2019

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Politika
November 8, 2019
Autor: Brane Kartalović

Дража Михаиловић ипак добио улицу, али у Десимировцу

Скупштина Крагујевца усвојила предлог житеља Десимировца, па је вођа четничког покрета у Другом светском рату добио улицу у овом месту, не у самом граду.


Улица која је понела име команданта Југословенске војске у отаџбини
(Фото Б. Карталовић)


Kрагујевац – Поједини медији и даље извештавају да је Скупштина града прихватила иницијативу Покрета обнове Краљевине Србије да вођа четничког покрета у Другом светском рату Драгољуб Дража Михаиловић добије улицу у Крагујевцу – што није тачно. Разјашњења ради, одборници су на седници Скупштине града прошлог петка усвојили предлог житеља оближњег Десимировца, па је чича Дража добио улицу у овом месту, не у самом Крагујевцу, за шта се залагао ПОКС.
– Иницијатива Покрета обнове Краљевине Србије није могла да уђе у скупштинску процедуру због формалне мањкавости. Предлог је био начелан и у њему није била назначена конкретна улица коју треба да добије Михаиловић. У предлогу Месне заједнице Десимировац је тачно наведено која је улица у питању, што је, по процедури, еопходно – наводи Сузана Павловић, секретар Скупштине града.
Предлог да се команданту Југословенске краљевске војске у отаџбини додели улица, житељи Десимировца су преко месне заједнице упутили децембра 2018. године, а иницијатива ПОКС-а је на адресу Скупштине града Крагујевца стигла у априлу ове године.
– Иницијатива ПОКС-а може да уђе у редовну процедуру, чиме се отвара могућност да Драгољуб Михаиловић заиста добије улицу или трг у самом Крагујевцу, онако како је то ова организација предложила. За сада је Дражи Михаиловићу додељена улица у насељеном месту на територији града, како се то каже административним речником – објашњава Павловићева за „Политику”.
Десимировац је од Крагујевца удаљен десетак километара, а улица која је названа по четничком вођи званично носи назив Ђенерала Драже Михаиловића. У предлогу Десимировчана је назначено да је реч о улици број 4, која има следећи опис: „Улица почиње од улице 1, између к. п. 818 и к. п. 970/2, иде делом дуж к. п. 813, прелази на к. п. 775, на којој се завршава између к. п. 769/3 и к. п. 778/2, све у КО Десимировац.”
– То је прва лево после „Агрожикена” – објашњава нам заменик председника ПОКС-а Мирко Чикириз.

Draža u zatvoru jula 1946. (Фотодокументација Политике)
У разговору за „Политику” Чикириз инсистира на суштини иницијативе политичке организације коју представља.
– У овом случају је важна суштина јер је Крагујевац постао први већи град у Србији на чијој територији је једна улица названа по Драгољубу Михаиловићу. Тим чином је исправљена неправда према једној од најзначајнијих личности у историји Србије – наводи наш саговорник, иначе државни секретар у Министарству правде.
После реакције Крагујевчана, који су незадовољство одлуком Скупштине града исказали на друштвеним мрежама, огласио се и Савез удружења бораца Народноослободилачког рата. Субнор Крагујевца и Шумадије у саопштењу наводи: „Осуђујемо став одборника без обзира на идеолошку и политичку припадност јер су заборавили на жртве четничке каме.”



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Politika
November 8, 2019
Autor: Brane Kartalović

Draža Mihailović ipak dobio ulicu, ali u Desimirovcu

Skupština Kragujevca usvojila predlog žitelja Desimirovca, pa je vođa četničkog pokreta u Drugom svetskom ratu dobio ulicu u ovom mestu, ne u samom gradu.


Улица која је понела име команданта Југословенске војске у отаџбини
(Фото Б. Карталовић)


Kragujevac – Pojedini mediji i dalje izveštavaju da je Skupština grada prihvatila inicijativu Pokreta obnove Kraljevine Srbije da vođa četničkog pokreta u Drugom svetskom ratu Dragoljub Draža Mihailović dobije ulicu u Kragujevcu – što nije tačno. Razjašnjenja radi, odbornici su na sednici Skupštine grada prošlog petka usvojili predlog žitelja obližnjeg Desimirovca, pa je čiča Draža dobio ulicu u ovom mestu, ne u samom Kragujevcu, za šta se zalagao POKS.
– Inicijativa Pokreta obnove Kraljevine Srbije nije mogla da uđe u skupštinsku proceduru zbog formalne manjkavosti. Predlog je bio načelan i u njemu nije bila naznačena konkretna ulica koju treba da dobije Mihailović. U predlogu Mesne zajednice Desimirovac je tačno navedeno koja je ulica u pitanju, što je, po proceduri, eophodno – navodi Suzana Pavlović, sekretar Skupštine grada.
Predlog da se komandantu Jugoslovenske kraljevske vojske u otadžbini dodeli ulica, žitelji Desimirovca su preko mesne zajednice uputili decembra 2018. godine, a inicijativa POKS-a je na adresu Skupštine grada Kragujevca stigla u aprilu ove godine.
– Inicijativa POKS-a može da uđe u redovnu proceduru, čime se otvara mogućnost da Dragoljub Mihailović zaista dobije ulicu ili trg u samom Kragujevcu, onako kako je to ova organizacija predložila. Za sada je Draži Mihailoviću dodeljena ulica u naseljenom mestu na teritoriji grada, kako se to kaže administrativnim rečnikom – objašnjava Pavlovićeva za „Politiku”.
Desimirovac je od Kragujevca udaljen desetak kilometara, a ulica koja je nazvana po četničkom vođi zvanično nosi naziv Đenerala Draže Mihailovića. U predlogu Desimirovčana je naznačeno da je reč o ulici broj 4, koja ima sledeći opis: „Ulica počinje od ulice 1, između k. p. 818 i k. p. 970/2, ide delom duž k. p. 813, prelazi na k. p. 775, na kojoj se završava između k. p. 769/3 i k. p. 778/2, sve u KO Desimirovac.”
– To je prva levo posle „Agrožikena” – objašnjava nam zamenik predsednika POKS-a Mirko Čikiriz.
Draža u zatvoru jula 1946.(Fotodokumentacija Politike)

U razgovoru za „Politiku” Čikiriz insistira na suštini inicijative političke organizacije koju predstavlja.
– U ovom slučaju je važna suština jer je Kragujevac postao prvi veći grad u Srbiji na čijoj teritoriji je jedna ulica nazvana po Dragoljubu Mihailoviću. Tim činom je ispravljena nepravda prema jednoj od najznačajnijih ličnosti u istoriji Srbije – navodi naš sagovornik, inače državni sekretar u Ministarstvu pravde.
Posle reakcije Kragujevčana, koji su nezadovoljstvo odlukom Skupštine grada iskazali na društvenim mrežama, oglasio se i Savez udruženja boraca Narodnooslobodilačkog rata. Subnor Kragujevca i Šumadije u saopštenju navodi: „Osuđujemo stav odbornika bez obzira na ideološku i političku pripadnost jer su zaboravili na žrtve četničke kame.”


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com
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Рат „четника” и „партизана” у Крагујевцу / Rat „četnika” i „partizana” u Kragujevcu / "Politika" Nov. 16, 2019

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Politika
Nov. 16, 2019
Аутор: Бране Карталовић

Рат „четника” и „партизана” у Крагујевцу

Одлука Скупштине града да се по Дражи Михаиловићу назове један сокак у Десимировцу, за коју су гласали и овдашњи социјалисти, обновила идеолошке сукобе из Другог светског рата и најавила трку за следећег главног коалиционог партнера СНС-а.



Споменик Драгољубу Михаиловићу у Ивањици (Фото: Д. Урошевић)

Kрагујевац – Мала варница је недостајала да у Србији, и то у срцу Шумадије, поново букне непревазиђени идеолошки сукоб из Другог светског рата. Ту варницу је изазвала одлука Скупштине града Крагујевца да се по команданту Југословенске краљевске војске (у отаџбини), пуковнику Драгољубу Михаиловићу назове један сокак у десетак километара удаљеном Десимировцу.

За поменуту одлуку, донету првог новембра, гласали су и одборници Социјалистичке партије Србије, који се сада – под претњом кадровске „чистке”, која долази из самог врха странке – извињавају због „превида”. С друге стране, из редова једног од иницијатора предлога – Покрета обнове Краљевине Србије стиже порука и упозорење да ће уличну таблу са натписом „Ђенерала Драже Михаиловића”, када буде постављена, и „физички бранити”.


Иако узаврела политичка атмосфера не искључује и опцију „фронталног рата”, идеолошки наследници четника и партизана у Крагујевцу за сада се сукобљавају само вербално – саопштењима.


„У име свих нас упућујемо извињење свим учесницима НОБ-а, њиховим потомцима, антифашистима, левичарима, члановима и симпатизерима Социјалистичке партије Србије. Нема речи ни о каквој намери или идеолошком суноврату, јер је наш став да име Драгољуба Драже Михаиловића не треба ни да се помиње, а камоли да се једна улица назове по њему”, стоји у саопштењу крагујевачког одбора СПС-а, чије се руководство претходних дана суочило са незадовољством групе чланова ове странке.


– Приликом гласања направљен је пропуст техничке природе, јер је у предлогу било око 1.200 улица које треба да добију назив. Због тога се извињавамо нашим члановима и симпатизерима, али овом приликом желим да поручим да је у крагујевачком одбору социјалиста стање редовно, као и да иза мале групе незадовољних чланова стоје политички и материјални интереси појединаца из наших редова који учешће у власти виде само као прилику да се лично обогате – изјавио је за „Политику” Ивица Момчиловић, председник ГО СПС-а и заменик градоначелника Крагујевца.



Споменик Јосипу Брозу Титу у Београду (Фото: Д. Јевремовић)

Представници монархистичке Србије били су далеко отворенији и конкретнији у својим јавним иступима.

„Физички ћемо спречити скидање табле са именом улице која је додељена Дражи Михаиловићу, јер тиме нећемо бранити само име српског хероја и најодликованијег нашег официра, већ и правни поредак државе. Скупштина града Крагујевца је једногласно донела легалну и легитимну одлуку да се генералу Дражи Михаиловићу додели улица у том граду, а то се мора поштовати, свидело се то некоме или не”, наведено је у саопштењу ПОКС-а.


– Уколико дође до покушаја скидања уличне табле са натписом „Ђенерала Драже Михаиловића”, када буде постављена, а хоће, ми ћемо то окарактерисати као још један покушај занемаривања и игнорисања правоснажне судске одлуке о рехабилитацији команданта Југословенске краљевске војске у отаџбини, као и закона о изједначавању четника и партизана, припадника два наша антифашистичка покрета. Уколико пак социјалисти прибегну својим револуционарним методама, и у својој противзаконитој и насилничкој намери, у ноћним сатима и у илегали, скину Дражину таблу, ми ћемо на исти начин скинути сваку Титову таблу која је у Србији остала – поручио је у разговору за наш лист Мирко Чикириз, заменик председника Покрета обнове Краљевине Србије и државни секретар у Министарству правде.


Сукоб „четника” и „партизана” у Крагујевцу, баштиника монархистичке и републиканске идеологије, који се данима надгорњавају на друштвеним мрежама, изазвао је озбиљне турбуленције и у политичком врху државе. Ко ће бити следећи главни коалициони партнер Српске напредне странке, само је једно од питања које је покренула одлука крагујевачке скупштине да се Драгољубу Дражи Михаиловићу додели улица на територији четвртог по величини града у земљи. Можда је то скривена порука социјалистима, чије представнике у Крагујевцу опомиње и страначки шеф Ивица Дачић, министар спољних послова, најављујући да ће њихов „превид” бити увршћен у дневни ред заседања Главног одбора Социјалистичке партије Србије.



http://www.politika.rs/scc/clanak/442033/Rat-cetnika-i-partizana-u-Kragujevcu


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Politika
Nov. 16, 2019
Autor: Brane Kartalović

Rat „četnika” i „partizana” u Kragujevcu

Odluka Skupštine grada da se po Draži Mihailoviću nazove jedan sokak u Desimirovcu, za koju su glasali i ovdašnji socijalisti, obnovila ideološke sukobe iz Drugog svetskog rata i najavila trku za sledećeg glavnog koalicionog partnera SNS-a.


Споменик Драгољубу Михаиловићу у Ивањици (Фото: Д. Урошевић)

Kragujevac – Mala varnica je nedostajala da u Srbiji, i to u srcu Šumadije, ponovo bukne neprevaziđeni ideološki sukob iz Drugog svetskog rata. Tu varnicu je izazvala odluka Skupštine grada Kragujevca da se po komandantu Jugoslovenske kraljevske vojske (u otadžbini), pukovniku Dragoljubu Mihailoviću nazove jedan sokak u desetak kilometara udaljenom Desimirovcu.

Za pomenutu odluku, donetu prvog novembra, glasali su i odbornici Socijalističke partije Srbije, koji se sada – pod pretnjom kadrovske „čistke”, koja dolazi iz samog vrha stranke – izvinjavaju zbog „previda”. S druge strane, iz redova jednog od inicijatora predloga – Pokreta obnove Kraljevine Srbije stiže poruka i upozorenje da će uličnu tablu sa natpisom „Đenerala Draže Mihailovića”, kada bude postavljena, i „fizički braniti”.

Iako uzavrela politička atmosfera ne isključuje i opciju „frontalnog rata”, ideološki naslednici četnika i partizana u Kragujevcu za sada se sukobljavaju samo verbalno – saopštenjima.


„U ime svih nas upućujemo izvinjenje svim učesnicima NOB-a, njihovim potomcima, antifašistima, levičarima, članovima i simpatizerima Socijalističke partije Srbije. Nema reči ni o kakvoj nameri ili ideološkom sunovratu, jer je naš stav da ime Dragoljuba Draže Mihailovića ne treba ni da se pominje, a kamoli da se jedna ulica nazove po njemu”, stoji u saopštenju kragujevačkog odbora SPS-a, čije se rukovodstvo prethodnih dana suočilo sa nezadovoljstvom grupe članova ove stranke.


– Prilikom glasanja napravljen je propust tehničke prirode, jer je u predlogu bilo oko 1.200 ulica koje treba da dobiju naziv. Zbog toga se izvinjavamo našim članovima i simpatizerima, ali ovom prilikom želim da poručim da je u kragujevačkom odboru socijalista stanje redovno, kao i da iza male grupe nezadovoljnih članova stoje politički i materijalni interesi pojedinaca iz naših redova koji učešće u vlasti vide samo kao priliku da se lično obogate – izjavio je za „Politiku” Ivica Momčilović, predsednik GO SPS-a i zamenik gradonačelnika Kragujevca.



Spomenik Josipu Brozu Titu u Beogradu (Foto: D. Jevremović)

Predstavnici monarhističke Srbije bili su daleko otvoreniji i konkretniji u svojim javnim istupima.

„Fizički ćemo sprečiti skidanje table sa imenom ulice koja je dodeljena Draži Mihailoviću, jer time nećemo braniti samo ime srpskog heroja i najodlikovanijeg našeg oficira, već i pravni poredak države. Skupština grada Kragujevca je jednoglasno donela legalnu i legitimnu odluku da se generalu Draži Mihailoviću dodeli ulica u tom gradu, a to se mora poštovati, svidelo se to nekome ili ne”, navedeno je u saopštenju POKS-a.

– Ukoliko dođe do pokušaja skidanja ulične table sa natpisom „Đenerala Draže Mihailovića”, kada bude postavljena, a hoće, mi ćemo to okarakterisati kao još jedan pokušaj zanemarivanja i ignorisanja pravosnažne sudske odluke o rehabilitaciji komandanta Jugoslovenske kraljevske vojske u otadžbini, kao i zakona o izjednačavanju četnika i partizana, pripadnika dva naša antifašistička pokreta. Ukoliko pak socijalisti pribegnu svojim revolucionarnim metodama, i u svojoj protivzakonitoj i nasilničkoj nameri, u noćnim satima i u ilegali, skinu Dražinu tablu, mi ćemo na isti način skinuti svaku Titovu tablu koja je u Srbiji ostala – poručio je u razgovoru za naš list Mirko Čikiriz, zamenik predsednika Pokreta obnove Kraljevine Srbije i državni sekretar u Ministarstvu pravde.

Sukob „četnika” i „partizana” u Kragujevcu, baštinika monarhističke i republikanske ideologije, koji se danima nadgornjavaju na društvenim mrežama, izazvao je ozbiljne turbulencije i u političkom vrhu države. Ko će biti sledeći glavni koalicioni partner Srpske napredne stranke, samo je jedno od pitanja koje je pokrenula odluka kragujevačke skupštine da se Dragoljubu Draži Mihailoviću dodeli ulica na teritoriji četvrtog po veličini grada u zemlji. Možda je to skrivena poruka socijalistima, čije predstavnike u Kragujevcu opominje i stranački šef Ivica Dačić, ministar spoljnih poslova, najavljujući da će njihov „previd” biti uvršćen u dnevni red zasedanja Glavnog odbora Socijalističke partije Srbije.


http://www.politika.rs/sr/clanak/442033/Rat-cetnika-i-partizana-u-Kragujevcu


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VIDEO / Улица Драже Михаиловића у Крагујевцу – једни се љуте, други одобравају / Ulica Draže Mihailovića u Kragujevcu – jedni se ljute, drugi odobravaju / "RTS" / Nov. 16, 2019

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РТС - Радио Телевизија Србије
АУТОР: НЕВЕНКА ЂЕЛИЋ
November 16, 2019

Улица Драже Михаиловића у Крагујевцу – једни се љуте, други одобравају.

Велику пажњу јавности ових дана изазвала је вест да је улица у Десимировцу код Крагујевца добила име Ђенерала Драже Михаиловића. И док једни такву одлуку сматрају историјском и пре свега етичком грешком, други се позивају на Закон о изједначавају припадника партизанског и четничког покрета.


Улица у Десимировцу, селу код Крагујевца, која ће носити име Драгољуба Михаиловића дуга је око 700 метара и има двадесетак кућа.

Њени житељи су пре годину дана предали Месној заједници предлог да улица добије име по команданту Југословенске краљевске војске у отаџбини.

"Ми смо предлагали нека имена становника ове улице, није могло да прође. Неко је дао предлог, можда сам и ја, Драгољуба Драже Михаиловића, ми смо прихватили", каже Драган Вилотијевић.

"Једни се љуте, други одобравају. Најбоље је да се договоре и да опросте једни другима, ако могу то да учине", каже Бојан Радосављевић.


Одређивање назива безимених улица на територији града Крагујевца, спроведено је у оквиру пројекта ажурирања адресног регистра. Око 1.200 предлога из свих месних заједница, прослеђено је Министарству државне управе и локалне самоуправе.


"Владина комисија, биће јако ригорозна, за свако лице су тражили тачно да се утврди, уколико је било живо у периоду 1941-1945, какав је његов утицај и значај био у Народноослободилачкој борби, и тек по добијању те сагласности, ми смо онда ишли на седницу Супштине града, где смо то и усвојили", каже Мирослав Петрашиновић, председник Скупштине града Крагујевца.


Руку за генерала Дражу, подигли су и крагујевачи одборници. Нико није био против.


Историчари подсећају да је Михаиловић правно рехабилитован, али да се историјске чињенице нису промениле. За део њих, он је и даље ратни злочинац. И социолози оцењују да је то веома озбиљно питање о којем је мишљење јавности подељено.


"Мислим да је, са становишта друштвене целисходности, лоше поново потпиривати поделе унутар друштва и на локалном, и на мезо, и на макро нивоу, нарочито зато што смо ми ових деценија баштинили традицију победника", каже социолошкиња Лела Вујошевић.


Одлука о називу улице, посвађала је и крагујевачке политичаре. И док траје њихов рат саопштењима и најава да ће скинути таблу са именом Драже Михаиловића, када буде постављена, житељи Десимировца су једногласни.


"Не може да се скида, ми ћемо то бранити", каже Драган Вилотијевић из Десимировца, додајући да су се мештани тако договорили и да ће тако остати.



http://www.rts.rs/page/stories/ci/story/124/drustvo/3739161/ulica-draze-mihailovica-u-kragujevcu--jedni-se-ljute-drugi-odobravaju.html

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RTS - Radio Televizija Srbije
AUTOR: NEVENKA ĐELIĆ
November 16, 2019

Ulica Draže Mihailovića u Kragujevcu – jedni se ljute, drugi odobravaju.

Veliku pažnju javnosti ovih dana izazvala je vest da je ulica u Desimirovcu kod Kragujevca dobila ime Đenerala Draže Mihailovića. I dok jedni takvu odluku smatraju istorijskom i pre svega etičkom greškom, drugi se pozivaju na Zakon o izjednačavaju pripadnika partizanskog i četničkog pokreta.



Ulica u Desimirovcu, selu kod Kragujevca, koja će nositi ime Dragoljuba Mihailovića duga je oko 700 metara i ima dvadesetak kuća.


Njeni žitelji su pre godinu dana predali Mesnoj zajednici predlog da ulica dobije ime po komandantu Jugoslovenske kraljevske vojske u otadžbini.


"Mi smo predlagali neka imena stanovnika ove ulice, nije moglo da prođe. Neko je dao predlog, možda sam i ja, Dragoljuba Draže Mihailovića, mi smo prihvatili", kaže Dragan Vilotijević.


"Jedni se ljute, drugi odobravaju. Najbolje je da se dogovore i da oproste jedni drugima, ako mogu to da učine", kaže Bojan Radosavljević.


Određivanje naziva bezimenih ulica na teritoriji grada Kragujevca, sprovedeno je u okviru projekta ažuriranja adresnog registra. Oko 1.200 predloga iz svih mesnih zajednica, prosleđeno je Ministarstvu državne uprave i lokalne samouprave.


"Vladina komisija, biće jako rigorozna, za svako lice su tražili tačno da se utvrdi, ukoliko je bilo živo u periodu 1941-1945, kakav je njegov uticaj i značaj bio u Narodnooslobodilačkoj borbi, i tek po dobijanju te saglasnosti, mi smo onda išli na sednicu Supštine grada, gde smo to i usvojili", kaže Miroslav Petrašinović, predsednik Skupštine grada Kragujevca.


Ruku za generala Dražu, podigli su i kragujevači odbornici. Niko nije bio protiv.


Istoričari podsećaju da je Mihailović pravno rehabilitovan, ali da se istorijske činjenice nisu promenile. Za deo njih, on je i dalje ratni zločinac. I sociolozi ocenjuju da je to veoma ozbiljno pitanje o kojem je mišljenje javnosti podeljeno.


"Mislim da je, sa stanovišta društvene celishodnosti, loše ponovo potpirivati podele unutar društva i na lokalnom, i na mezo, i na makro nivou, naročito zato što smo mi ovih decenija baštinili tradiciju pobednika", kaže sociološkinja Lela Vujošević.


Odluka o nazivu ulice, posvađala je i kragujevačke političare. I dok traje njihov rat saopštenjima i najava da će skinuti tablu sa imenom Draže Mihailovića, kada bude postavljena, žitelji Desimirovca su jednoglasni.


"Ne može da se skida, mi ćemo to braniti", kaže Dragan Vilotijević iz Desimirovca, dodajući da su se meštani tako dogovorili i da će tako ostati.



http://www.rts.rs/page/stories/sr/story/125/drustvo/3739164/ulica-draze-mihailovica-u-kragujevcu--jedni-se-ljute-drugi-odobravaju.html


VIDEO:

"Ulica Draže Mihailovića u Kragujevcu – jedni se ljute, drugi odobravaju"

Posted on YouTube by "RTS Sajt - Zvanični kanal"
Published on Nov. 16, 2019

"Veliku pažnju javnosti ovih dana izazvala je vest da je ulica u Desimirovcu kod Kragujevca dobila ime Đenerala Draže Mihailovića. I dok jedni takvu odluku smatraju istorijskom i pre svega etičkom greškom, drugi se pozivaju na Zakon o izjednačavaju pripadnika partizanskog i četničkog pokreta."





https://youtu.be/4UJ2Dv40SRo

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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

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Searching for names of German Officers or specific German Units and information about them, who were in pursuit of General Mihailovich during World War II

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Aleksandra's Note: Searching for the names of German Officers or specific German Units and information about them, who were in pursuit of General Mihailovich in former Yugoslavia during World War II.

If you have any information regarding this question, please contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com as soon as possible.

Thanks very much!

Sincerely,
Aleksandra Rebic
November 21, 2019

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CIA skinula pečat sa tajnih dokumenata: Ko je izdao Dražu Mihajlovića, bolestan i izmučen upao je zamku / "Novosti" Nov. 13, 2019

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Novosti
November 13, 2019

CIA skinula pečat sa tajnih dokumenata: Ko je izdao Dražu Mihajlovića, bolestan i izmučen upao je zamku (FOTO)

U njima jasno piše ko je izdao generala Dražu Mihailovića i kako je dospeo u komunističku zamku.

Draža Mihajlović / Foto: Arhiva VN

Procurela su originalna dokumenta CIA o hapšenju Dragoljuba Draže Mihailovića. Posle više od 70 godina sa njih je nedavno skinuta oznaka "strogo poverljivo".

U njima jasno piše ko je izdao generala Dražu Mihailovića i kako je dospeo u komunističku zamku. Izjavu tim povodom dao je unuk Draže Mihailovića i potpredsednik POKS, Vojislav Mihailović:

"Iz dokumentacije se jasno vidi da su "saveznici" moga dede, Britanci i Amerikanci, obećali pomoć u njegovom lečenju od tifusa. Predložili su da ga evakuišu avionom u Italiju, gde će ga lečiti, a zatim će ga vratiti u srpske planine. Po planu 13.marta 1946. godine sleteli su sa dva aviona u selo nadomak mesta Rudo, u istočnoj Bosni gde ih je čekao bolesni i bez svesti general Mihailović", kaže unuk Draže Mihailovića i potpredsednik POKS, Vojislav Mihailović i dodaje:

"Umesto da ga odvedu u Italiju, isporučili su ga komunistima u Sarajevo. Meni je drago da je istina izašla na videlo, da su ovi dokumenti potvrdili da Nikola Kalabić nije izdao Dražu, nego je to bila prljava komunistička propaganda, sa namerom da se moralno diskredituju najodani Dražini ljudi i ceo Ravnogorski pokret. Sada je jasno zašto u današnje vreme zvaničnici SAD i Velike Britanije sramežljivo spominju da je moj deda bio njihov saveznik, da se za njih žrtvovao, prolivao krv i da je spasio više od 500 njihovih pilota. Verovatno se stide izdaje koju su priredili njemu i celom srpskom narodu. Tu izdaju i besčašće im porodica Mihailović ne može oprostiti, a da li će moji sunarodnici Srbi, to ne znam " - zaključio je Mihailović.





Prevod originalnog dokumenata prenosimo u celini:

"Kontra obaveštajni korpus Milano bataljon, zona 3 APO 512 1 Jun 1946 PREDMET: Hvatanje generala Draže Mihailovića. ZA: GSI (b), 3 Okrug, CMF 1. U prilogu je izveštaj koji je ovoj kancelariji preneo pouzdani poverljivi informator. Izveštaj potiče iz Beograda i bavi se događajima koji su doveli do toga i putanjom kojom su Mihailovića zarobili Titovi vojnici. 2. Zahteva se da se sa navedenim osobama postupa diskretno kako bi se zaštitio njihov identitet. Imena koja su u izveštaju korišćena za potvrdu su ista ako se ukaže potreba 3. Za vaše informacije. M.A. TONINI Major, MI Nadzorni agent Dostaviti: GSI (b) 2 SCI/Z, Milano 2 CIC, AFHKU 2 CIC, Zona 1 1 Arhiva 1.

Ovaj izveštaj stigao je iz komande Požeškog korpusa Kraljevske armije u Jugoslaviji od majora Miloša Markovića koji je 12. maja 1946. bio lociran u Vrhovnoj komandi na području Trudovo-Katići-Nova Varoš-Ljubić (sela). Ovaj izveštaj govori o okolnostima zarobljavanja Generala Mihailovića, a doneo ga je specijalni kurir poslan iz Jugoslavije. „Krajem februara, Vrhovna komanda je bila smeštena u regionu Točin-Brajići-Gornja-Donja Dobrinja-Bela Crkva-Ražana. Kurirskom službom su nas obavestili da je vrhovni komandant (Mihailović) nekoliko dana bio bolestan od tifusa. 26. februara 1946. dobili smo od Vrhovne komande šifrovanu poruku koja glasi:

„Vrhovna komanda ima konkretan dokaz da će Titove komunističke snage uskoro pokrenuti snažne napore da pronađu i unište naše tajne kopnene jedinice. Imamo dokaz da su jedinice četvrte i 37. divizije pet dana primale obroke za vanredne situacije. U garnizonima u Čačku, Užicu i Zvorniku, jedinice su ojačali lakom artiljerijom i lakim tenkovima. Pripreme za kopnene akcije vrše jedinice 37. divizije. Naše snage na Trebavi i Ozrenu trenutno se bore protiv jedinica 27. i 36. divizije. 19. musulmanska brigada praktično je uništena od strane našeg Romanijskog korpusa kod Vlasenice.

U južnoj Srbiji postoji lokalna aktivnost na obe strane u regionima Orahovac, Nikodim i Izvor. Svi zapovednici će preduzeti najstrože mere i izvršavati vrlo poverljive instrukcije 278/45, vodeći računa da zaštitimo i sačuvamo sela i izbegnemo opkoljenjavanje i uništenje naših snaga od strane nadmoćnijih neprijateljskih snaga. Vrhovna komanda će reagovati na razvoj operacija i nastaviti prema vodama reke Drine i dolinom Lima.

"U štabu Vrhovne komande major Nikola Miljković bio je načelnik operativnog odseka. Kada je primljeno gore navedeno naređenje, bio sam lociran na platou Musnije na Zlatiboru iznad sela Radaljevo. Nekoliko dana kasnije Ttove kolone su bile u pokretu. Moja Zlatiborska brigada napala je jedinice 37. divizije na Uvcu, dok je Požeška brigada napala jedinice četvrte divizije na Mačkatu. (Jedinice četvrte divizije pretežno su bile sastavljene od albanskih komunista). Zbog nadmoći neprijatelja, dao sam naređenje da se izbegavaju direktni napadi. U vezi sa akcijom čuvanja leđa Vrhovne komande, nismo dobili nikakve vesti i bilo je nemoguće uspostaviti kontakt sa kurirom. 18. marta 1946. dobili smo izveštaj koji nas je veoma uznemirio i u koji nismo mogli da verujemo.

Izgleda da je oko 10. marta 1946. Vrhovna komanda stigla u region koji se nalazi južno od Ruda. U ovom selu nabavljali su lekove za bolesnog Generala, kojeg su tokom prebacivanja Vrhovne komande nosili na ramenima naši ljudi.

Tokom ovog premeštanja jedan od ličnih Mihailovićevih lekara zarobljen je u bici kod Semegnjeva. Ispitivanjem i mučenjem od strane agenata OZNE i ruskih oficira, otkrio je da je lični Mihailovićev lekar i takođe je otkrio plan prebacivanja Vrhovne komande. Iste noći neprijateljski avioni su počeli da vrše izviđačke letove iznad teritorije na kojoj je bila locirana komanda. Ispustili su letke koje su izgledali kao da su ih pravili Amerikanci, a u kojima se kaže da su došli da pomognu i daju nam oružje i municiju. Iste noći, nakon što su neko vreme leteli iznad tog područja, avioni su bacili razna pakovanja municije i sanitetski materijal savezničkog porekla. U jednom pakovanju su bila uputstva za pripremu i obeležavanje trake za sletanje nekih aviona za snabdevanje.

13. marta 1946. u popodnevnim satima stigla su dva aviona sa savezničkim oznakama. Leteli su nisko i bacili baklje tako da smo mogli da im kažemo mesto gde treba da slete. Odgovorili smo prema uputstvima koja smo dobili i dva aviona sletela su u polje (dovoljno dugo) oko 10 km. severozapadno od Ruda.

Nekoliko oficira u savezničkim uniformama (američke) koji su govorili engleski i francuski izašli su iz aviona. Trojica sa najvišim činom odvedeni su do našeg Štaba gde su se dogovorili sa oficirima našeg Štaba da prevezu bolesnog Generala. General Mihailović je tada imao visoku temperaturu i nije bio pri svesti. To je razlog zbog kojeg su želeli neko vreme da ga odvedu u Italiju, izleče i potom ga tajno vrate u planine Jugoslavije. Odmah je smešten u avion pod nadzorom dvojice naših oficira koji su išli zajedno sa njim. U to vreme su se sletela još dva aviona i devet drugih oficira iz našeg Štaba su se ukrcali u avione, među kojima su bila dva podoficira i glavno zapovedno osoblje.

Čim je avion koji je prevozio Mihailovića poleteo u vazduh, preostali avioni su uzleteli za njim. U tom trenutku se pojavilo nekoliko aviona i počelo je da leti iznad tog područja. Mi smo mislili da su služili kao zaštita Generalovog aviona, ali nakon što su neko vreme krstarili područjem gde su se nalazile trupe Štaba, počeli su da bacaju male gasne bombe koje kao da parališu ili uspavljuju naše trupe. Iz pravca Priboja bili smo upozoreni da se motorizovane trupe približavaju u isto vreme kada je jedna grupa aviona počela da ispušta padobrance na naš Štab.

Odmah po sletanju na zemlju padobranci su otvorili vatru na naše ljude koji su pokušavali da zaštite Štab i koji nisu bili pogođeni gasnim bombama. Bitka je započela zato što su konačno naši ljudi shvatili da imaju posla sa neprijateljem koji je upotrebio prevaru za otmicu Generala. Neprijatelj je pokušao da probije naš front, uđe u područje Štaba i preotme naše dosijee, ali veliki broj njih je ubijen. Zbog dolaska snažne kolone koja dolazi iz pravca Priboja, naši ljudi su se povukli prema Golešu i odatle su započeli evakuaciju prema Foči. Naši ljudi su uspeli da sruše jedan avion. Veliki broj neprijatelja je ubijen, ali takođe smo pretrpeli velike gubitke. Odatle smo kasnije dobili vest da je Mihailović odveden u Sarajevo, a odatle u Beograd, a da se nije osvestio. Kažu da je sedam dana bio bez svesti, jer je bio hranjen putem infuzije. Kada se konačno osvestio, pitao je gde je i kada je otkrio da je u Beogradu, rekao je:

„Do sada sam izvršavao svoju dužnost; sada možete raditi ono što ste odlučili." Sve navedeno izvestio je kapetan Kalajitović, koji komanduje Pljevaljskom brigadom. Specijalni kurir uverava da je dao tačan izveštaj koji mu je preneo major Marković, komandant Požeškog korpusa.




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The greatest rescue you’ve never heard of - Commemorating the 75th anniversary of Operation Halyard / "Pittsburgh Post-Gazette" Nov. 24, 2019

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Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
November 24, 2019
Milana "Mim" Bizic

The greatest rescue you’ve never heard of - Commemorating the 75th anniversary of Operation Halyard

Though scarcely noted in the United States, Sept. 15 [2019] marked the 75th anniversary of the rescue of more than 500 U.S. and Allied airmen from behind German-occupied lines in Pranjani, Serbia, orchestrated by Yugoslav Army Gen. Draza Mihailovich and his Serbian Chetniks, as well as loyal villagers.


A military ceremony, held jointly by U.S. and Serbian Chetnik forces, occurs on Sept. 6, 1944, in Pranjani, Serbia. (Photo: Public Domain)

The airlift operation, the largest such rescue in American history at the time, was conceived in response to the failures of Operation Tidal Wave, a 1943 air attack on the Ploesti oilfields in Romania. The refineries there were critical to the German war machine. But the raid was costly for U.S. forces, as 53 planes and 660 airmen were lost. Others, with limping airplanes, tried to make it back to an Allied base in Italy. Many of these weakened planes were subsequently shot down over Nazi-occupied Serbia.
The Serbs, however, loyal to America in both World War I and World War II, found the downed airmen and worked to hide them for months, offering them beds and food when such commodities were in short supply. During that time, Milhailovich collaborated with American forces, including the Office of Strategic Services, the U.S. 15th Air Force and even the famed Tuskegee Airmen, to concoct the daring airlift, allowing the saved airmen to return home to loved ones and raise families.
But the heroic event, known as Operation Halyard, was, for geopolitical reasons, covered up for many years. One of the greatest rescues in our history was hidden and forgotten.
After the war, Mihailovich, a royalist Chetnik, was arrested by the forces of Yugoslavian dictator Josip Broz Tito. Mihailovich was tried and convicted of high treason and war crimes, and later executed. Hundreds of American pilots were willing to testify in his defense, but they were not allowed. Many tried to share their accounts in the newspapers but, in the years since, the events of Operation Halyard and the heroics of those involved have largely been forgotten in the United States.
Personal connections
For several years, I have tried to travel to Pranjani, Serbia, for commemorations of the Halyard mission. For me, the operation carries much personal significance.
I learned about Operation Halyard when I was just 7 years old. My father, Milan Karlo, had published a diary of OSS Capt. Nick Lalich, which documented the mission. Meanwhile, George Vujnovich, one of the central heroes of the event, as detailed in Gregory Freeman’s book “The Forgotten 500,” grew up right across the street from my father on Pittsburgh’s South Side.
As a child, I loved comic book characters like Superman, but these people were my real-life heroes, average Americans who played important roles in saving the lives of others.
Over the years, I was also fortunate to meet many of the rescued airmen. Among them were Dick Felman, Clare Musgrove, Curtis (Bud) Diles, Milton Friend and Moon Township’s Carl Walpusk.
With the 75th anniversary looming this past September, I reached out to Valerie Gaydos, my state representative. Only a few weeks before the event, I had read an interview with Ms. Gaydos in which she identified “The Forgotten 500” as her favorite book. She told the interviewer that she was intrigued not only by the rescue itself, but also by the many Pittsburgh connections.
I called her and told her about the upcoming commemoration of the mission’s 75th anniversary. I asked if she’d like to go and, to immense joy, she agreed. We had less than three weeks to plan, yet we managed to raise thousands of dollars for the Halyard Mission Foundation, which aims to increase awareness and education of the event. And, before long, we were off to Serbia.
Touching down
Our arrival in Belgrade was something of a family reunion for me, as I met with relatives whom I hadn’t seen in over a decade. Without much care for our rest, we hurried off to catch as many sights as possible. This included a visit to the University of Belgrade library, where the Halyard Mission Foundation held a reception highlighting many awe-inspiring photographs taken during the rescue. (Interestingly, the library is one of only three in Europe that Pittsburgh’s Andrew Carnegie funded after World War I.) Members of the U.S. Air Force Band were on hand to perform both Serbian and American tunes.
The next morning, we left in two vans for Pranjani, our final destination. Our travel party was an eclectic mix of family, academics, military personnel, press and people with connections to the Halyard mission. Among the group was Ted Byfield, son of rescued airman Floyd Byfield. Ted proudly wore a replica of his father’s jacket everywhere we went.
As we traveled down the highways, passing thick, dense forests, I couldn’t help but note to my fellow passengers, “No wonder they could hide those airmen! Who could find them in these Sumadija woods?”
Along the way, we stopped at the Jevtovic Bed and Breakfast in Sremski Karlovci. There we met up with several more people traveling to the event, including family members of the late Charlie Davis, a bombardier who was rescued and taken in by Manojle Jevtovic and his family, forging a lifelong friendship in the process.
Support and sacrifice
We arrived at the Pranjani airfield the next morning, around 9:30. It was both odd and thrilling to hear the Serbian military band practicing “The Star-Spangled Banner.” The crowd began to fill out and, at 10:00 a.m., Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic arrived and the ceremonies officially began.
Beautiful wreath-laying ceremonies took place, followed by remarks from the dignitaries present in recognition of both the partnership between the U.S. and Serbia, and the sacrifices and support the Serbian people made for the Allied airmen. During Operation Halyard, over 8,000 Serbian Chetniks (Serbian citizen soldiers of the Homeland) surrounded the area around Pranjani, protecting the airmen from German patrols. “Instead of being killed by German patrols,” explains U.S. Air Force Maj. Gen. Kirk Smith, commander of U.S. Special Operations Command Europe, “the airmen received a hero’s welcome from brave Serbian families.”
John Cappello, founder and president of the Halyard Mission Foundation, noted that the operation would not have been possible without the “selfless support of the Serbian people, who cared for the aviators and built a runway to make the rescue possible.”
Mr. Vucic began his remarks by noting that the event brought the U.S. and Serbia much closer to each other. “We speak about the heroic moves from Serbian ordinary people and American, Canadian and British pilots in 1944. We succeeded in making terrific links between our two nations and I hope that we will be able to renew and revive this friendship.”
His remarks were echoed by Kyle Scott, then-U.S. ambassador to Serbia, who told the crowd, “Operation Halyard is an example of how ordinary people can rise to greatness, of what can be accomplished when we commit to goals which are greater than ourselves.”
But lessons about the importance of the event came off-stage, as well. I was pleased to meet with Miodrag Nikitovich, who was only 13 years old when two U.S. pilots came to stay in his family’s house. Mr. Nikitovich, a fine soul, gladly shared stories with me and others about the experience.
Proper remembrance

Afterward, we proceeded to the Church of the Holy Ascension in Pranjani for a memorial service served by Father Vojislav Rasilovic, who is an avid Steelers fan. And then it was on to the Ivo Andric School. Ms. Gaydos and I presented our gift to the Halyard Mission Foundation. And, during a lovely reception, we were afforded the opportunity to meet the great-grandson of Gen. Mihailovich.
At that reception, however, came the most poignant moment of the trip: The children and grandchildren of the Serbian rescuers, whose parents and grandparents had been viciously persecuted by Tito’s regime, received awards on their families’ behalf to commemorate their involvement in the rescue. It was with the greatest pleasure that I heard these “traitors” now deservedly described as heroes.
My dream of honoring the Halyard mission and celebrating those who had made it happen had come true. Efforts to educate the public about this critical event have a ways to go here in the United States, but it will be essential to remember and commemorate the sacrifice and heroism of those involved, who risked their lives to save so many.

Milana “Mim” Bizic is a writer and educator living in Moon. She was named Person of the Year by the Serb National Federation in 2008.


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

Remembering Halyard Mission Veteran Major Richard L. Felman U.S.A.F. - A Tireless Warrior for the Truth / By Aleksandra Rebic Nov. 28, 2019

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Aleksandra's Note: It's been 20 years since Major Richard Felman of the U.S.A.F. left us. This dynamic, unforgettable man was one of the Halyard Mission American rescues of 1944 who spent the rest of his life honoring the people who saved him and over 500 of his brothers from the Nazis in World War Two. He was determined to repay the "debt of gratitude" to General Draza Mihailovich, his Chetniks, and the Serbian people loyal to them, and he succeeded. As the daughter of a Chetnik who knew who General Mihailovich was from the time I was a child, people like Felman would naturally become personal heroes to me. Even in death, he remains an inspiration to get the word out so that others may know and appreciate an important part of history that has remained in the shadows for too long.

Born at the end of May in 1921 and dying just after Veteran's Day in 1999, his passing remains a great loss.  I miss him still. Loyal and dedicated, with a fierce and true sense of purpose, Major Felman was truly a tireless warrior that deserves the title of "Hero".

Sincerely,
Aleksandra Rebic
November 28, 2019

Thanksgiving

*****


Remembering Halyard Mission Veteran -
Major Richard L. Felman U.S.A.F.
A Tireless Warrior for the Truth

Major Richard L. Felman, U.S.A.F.
May 29, 1921-November 13, 1999

Major Richard Felman and Aleksandra Rebic on the evening of the 100th Birthday Celebration Event for General Mihailovich in Chicago on April 23, 1993 at the Congress Hotel. A wonderful evening, indeed. Photo: Rebic Collection.

He never stopped. It became his mission in life. For 55 years, over half a century, Major Richard L. Felman of the United States Air Force worked ceaselessly to do one thing: to repay a debt of gratitude and to say "Thank You" in a most meaningful way.

As we in America just commemorated Veteran’s Day and are celebrating our Thanksgiving holiday, it is our turn to remember and say “Thank You”  to a man that all those who knew him will never forget. Writing these things is never easy, especially when you are trying to properly honor the life and work of someone you knew personally, liked and respected very much, and whose passing leaves a void that cannot be filled. It is my hope that through reading this tribute, those who never had the privilege and pleasure of meeting this fine man will come to know and appreciate him. Major Felman's tireless efforts reflect some of the best virtues of human character: Loyalty and Honor.

Richard L. Felman was born in the Bronx, in New York City, on May 29th, 1921. He was the son of David, an American, and Dora, a Jewish immigrant from Poland. He had one brother, Irwin, born six years earlier. At 21 Felman enlisted in the U. S. Army Air Corps on July 24, 1942 and became a master navigator. He would go on to fly combat tours in WWII and in Korea and would receive 27 awards and decorations over the course of his military career. In early 1944 he was assigned to the 415th Bombardment Squadron, 98th Bombardment Group, 15th Air Force, stationed in Lecce, Italy as a Second Lieutenant. He would be flying B-24s, the "Liberator" bomber.  His plane, "Never a Dull Moment" would live up to its name.

The Crew of "Never a Dull Moment" 1944.
Photo courtesy of Major Richard Felman, USAF (Ret.)

Returning from a bombing mission in July of 1944 over the Ploesti Oil Fields in Romania, Hitler's main and most essential supply of oil at the time, Felman's B-24 was hit by German ME-109s. Ten of the eleven man crew was forced to bail out from 18,000 feet over the hills of Yugoslavia. In the attack and subsequent fall, Felman was wounded and would receive a Purple Heart for those wounds.

Of all the places in Yugoslavia to land in July of 1944, he was fortunate enough to land smack in the heart of Serbian territory. Unfortunately, it was also Nazi occupied territory, and the enemy had seen him coming down from the sky. The Germans had counted all ten of their chutes coming down and knew exactly where they were, but they could not get to them in the hills. That was the first stroke of good fortune. The second, and what would become the most significant, was that Felman was immediately surrounded by the Serbian Chetniks of General Draza Mihailovich, Commander of the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland, and the Serbian peasants loyal to them in the area. These were friendly hands Major Felman and his compatriots had fallen into. An immediate friendship was forged between them, and it was a friendship that would last for the rest of Richard Felman's lifetime.

In their briefings before the bombing mission, Felman and his crew had been told that if they ever had to bail out over Yugoslavia to avoid the men in the beards and fur hats - the Chetniks - for they would 'cut off their ears'. The crew was instructed to look for the men with the red stars on their hats - Tito's Partisans (the Yugoslav communists).

This contradicted everything Felman had heard about Mihailovich and his Chetniks from when Time Magazine had named Draza Mihailovich "Man of the Year" for being the leader of the first successful resistance to the Nazis in occupied Europe. Nevertheless, the first thing Richard Felman did when the strangers came running towards him was to reach for his ears. Not only did his ears stay intact, he was nursed back to health, fed, sheltered, clothed, and protected. He was also initiated into the benefits of Serbian shlivovitza, an exceptionally strong homemade plum brandy.

A story that Major Felman would tell over and over again after he returned home, everywhere he went, including the halls of Washington D.C., was about something he personally witnessed shortly after falling into the hands of the Chetniks. The Germans gave General Mihailovich an ultimatum to turn over the Allied airmen, or a village near Pranjani, Serbia of 200 women and children would be burned to the ground. Mihailovich refused. Felman would learn later how painful this decision was for the Serb general who did everything possible throughout the entirety of the war to limit the brutal German reprisals against Serbian civilians.

The Germans made good on their threat. The village was torched, and the Serbian civilians perished. That tragic event would fuel the rest of Richard Felman's life work. As the daily bombing offensives against the Germans increased and more and more Allied airmen were shot down over Yugoslavia, MIA, an OSS rescue unit commanded by Lieutenant George "Guv" Musulin along with Master Sergeant Michael Rajacich and radio operator Specialist Arthur Jibilian, in coordination with the U.S. Fifteenth Air Force,was formed and dropped at night deep into Nazi occupied territory in Serbia. With them they brought medical supplies, short wave radios, and a classified evacuation rescue plan that would come to be known as "Operation Halyard" or the "Halyard Mission". More than 500 American airmen and additional Allied airmen would be rescued, taken care of, and evacuated to safety over the next several months at great cost to the Serbian people who had protected them. Every single one of the fallen flyers would return to their families and their homes alive. It was nothing short of a miracle.

The rescue operations that began in early August of 1944 and ended at the end of December 1944 would become known as the greatest rescue of Allied airmen from behind enemy lines in the history of warfare. Major Felman, after spending enough time with the Chetniks running sabotage missions against the Nazis to witness and know first hand who was doing what on the ground, was among the first group of Americans airlifted out on August 10, 1944. The last evacuation was successfully completed in December of 1944 under the leadership of Captain Nikola Lalich.

For the Halyard rescue operation in August of 1944 that included Major Felman, Draza Mihailovich personally provided 8,000 of his best men to keep the Germans at bay while the C-47 planes flew in and took off without incident, carrying their human cargo to safety. Ironically, even after this magnificent rescue, Allied Intelligence continued to report that Mihailovich was collaborating with the enemy and turning the Americans over to the Nazis - the same kind of lies and falsified, phony reports that had caused the greatest betrayal of the war - the switch of Allied support from Mihailovich and his Chetniks to Tito's Partisans, the Yugoslav communists, in September of 1943, months before
Mihailovich would risk everything to rescue the lives of the Allied airmen. Though betrayed and abandoned, General Mihailovich resolved to do the right thing and did so without equivocation.

That would be one of the great ironies that marked the battle for vindication Felman would wage for the next 55 years. When it was learned after the war that General Draza Mihailovich had been captured by Tito's communists in the spring of 1946 and there would be a trial in Belgrade charging Mihailovich with being a Nazi collaborator and war criminal, Felman and his friends, including other airmen who had been saved by Mihailovich, went into action. Along with 21 others, he went to Washington in April of 1946 to petition President Harry S. Truman and the U.S. Government to be allowed to travel, at their own expense, to Belgrade, Serbia and present their testimonies to the "jury". They would soon learn the true nature of the new Yugoslav political reality and the realpolitik of their own country. Tito said "No". The U.S. State Department, to appease Tito, said "No". Refusing to give up, Felman and his group, along with other notable Americans, formed the Committee for a Fair Trial for Draza Mihailovich in May of 1946, and the committee set up a Commission of Inquiry that would hear firsthand testimonies in New York regarding the guilt or innocence of General Mihailovich as a war criminal. The testimonies of the airmen were presented and documented. The record was compelling and irrefutable. General Mihailovich was innocent of the charges against him. But it would do Draza Mihailovich no good. The word from the Belgrade regime was this:

"Mihailovich will be given a fair trial, but we have enough legal evidence to convict him, and he will be shot."

They could not let this happen. They tried everything, and at the time of the Commission of Inquiry hearings, Major Felman formed the National Committee of American Airmen Rescued by General Mihailovich, Inc. Felman was elected its president and remained so for the remainder of his life.

But Belgrade wasn't kidding, and the U.S. State Department wasn't budging. The U.S. had switched sides in 1943, at the behest of Winston Churchill and the British, and Tito, not Mihailovich, became their man. Tito now held the strings 5,000 miles away.

Draza Mihailovich lost his final battle and was executed and buried in an unmarked , unknown grave on July 17, 1946. But he had made friends during some of his darkest hours of the war, and, as it would turn out, nobody could have been a better or more loyal and dedicated friend than Major Richard Felman. I can only imagine how Felman and others like him must have felt on that day in July of 1946 when they heard the news, but what I know for sure is that the injustice would sustain Felman with a permanent stamina of purpose that defies the imagination. Mihailovich was gone, martyred, but Richard Felman was bound and determined to keep his legacy alive. He was relentless and would remain dedicated to his goal of repaying a debt of gratitude even when a new war began in Yugoslavia in 1991 and the global demonization of the Serbian people began.  No propaganda campaign against the Serbs could sway Richard Felman. He knew what he knew. He had lived it.

Thanks in great part to the efforts of Felman and his buddies, in 1948 U.S. President Harry S. Truman, on the recommendation of General Dwight D. Eisenhower, posthumously awarded General Draza Mihailovich the Legion of Merit - Commander in Chief Medal, the highest award America can bestow on a foreign national. The award honored Mihailovich for his material contribution to the Allied victory in WWII and the rescue of American Airmen from behind enemy lines. But the ironies would continue. For the first time in history, this high award and the story of the rescue was immediately classified as "top secret" by the State Department so as not to offend the communist government of Yugoslavia. Was the true fear publicizing the colossal mistake of switching sides from Mihailovich to Tito during the war? It would take 20 years and the dedicated efforts of those such as Felman and especially the Honorable Edward J. Derwinski, who would later become Deputy Secretary of Veterans Affairs, to uncover and declassify the "Legion of Merit" honor and make it "public" in 1968. Unfortunately, for all intents and purposes, the story remained "hidden" - unknown by the vast majority of Americans.

The Legion of Merit-Commander in Chief citation honoring
General Draza Mihailovich March 1948.

Yet another uphill battle would consume Richard Felman. He retired from the United States Air Force in 1968, but he remained a fighting man. His goal now was to have a memorial monument to Mihailovich erected, at private expense,  in Washington, D.C., honoring the Serbian General for having saved so many American lives in wartime. It was an honorable initiative that was soon confronted with obstacles for Felman and others who rallied to make it happen.

In 1970, for the first time, General Mihailovich was written into the Congressional Record and it was in Congress that the battle would be fought.

Felman would again go to Washington, to rally on the steps of the Capitol and get a bill introduced into the Senate by Strom Thurmond and Barry Goldwater in 1976 and 1977 for the establishment of a statue on Capitol grounds, on American soil, honoring General Mihailovich. The bill successfully passed in the Senate, but it would die in the House of Representatives due to a campaign waged by the State Department which again and again would cite "offense against the Yugoslav Regime" and the "ire of certain ethnic groups in Yugoslavia" as justification for denying the Mihailovich monument initiative. Again and again, year after year, the bill would be introduced, passed, then killed. Attempt after attempt was made. Felman, despite getting discouraged, furious, and frustrated, remained a bulldog. In the wake of repeated denial and the reasons given, he would courageously disclaim his group's apolitical stance and pass judgement on those he felt were perpetrating yet another great injustice. He was not afraid of losing his pension. He was not reckless, but he was not going to be intimidated. Such was the dedication and resolve of a man on a noble mission.

Over the years, Major Richard Felman would write countless letters and give countless speeches, interviews, and submissions to newspapers. He would travel throughout America at his own expense to spread the word and stay focused on the goal: Repaying a debt of gratitude and clearing the name of the man who had saved his life.

Those of us who had the privilege of hearing him speak over the years will never forget the stories he told and the passion of his purpose. He never minced words. Though he provided moments of levity from time to time, he was dead serious. In June of 1982, Major Felman let loose in the Tucson Citizen newspaper:

"Were the truth ever to be nationally known, there would not be a single American who would object to expressing, at no expense to the taxpayer, a nation's gratitude for saving the lives of over 500 of its fighting men. There is absolutely no rhyme or reason or rhetoric that should prevent the American Airmen from repaying their debt of honor. For 38 years we have fought for this right and been denied. In all good conscience, I cannot sit idly by and watch a 38 year effort go down the drain while the threats of another nation make our proud American eagle look like a plucked chicken."

Even after Yugoslavia's Marshal Tito was dead and gone in 1980, even with prominent sponsors endorsing the initiative, permission was not granted to erect the Mihailovich monument in Washington. Just over a decade later in 1991 the violent
dissolution of Yugoslavia began and its people once again became the casualties of war, a civil war in the Balkans that dominated news coverage throughout the world. With the dissolution of Yugoslavia, Truth became the ultimate casualty. The Croatians, one of the "ethnic groups" whose "ire" the U.S. State Department was concerned about raising, were relentless in blocking the establishment of the Mihailovich monument in the 1990s. And they were winning the battle in Washington with their vicious anti-Serb campaign.

To this day, there is no monument to Mihailovich in Washington, D.C. and so many that were at the forefront of that effort are gone. I have often wondered if the monument initiative will ever be resurrected, with Felman's dream finally becoming a reality. I think it's time to try again.

*****

I first met Major Richard Felman on April 23, 1993 at the Congress Hotel in Chicago for the celebration of Draza Mihailovich's 100th birthday. I had "met" and gotten to know Felman personally over the phone in 1992 when preparations for the celebration began. My father had initiated the event, and we wanted it to be the "Serbian Celebration of the Century." Felman was thrilled, and his support was invaluable. We corresponded by mail and by phone regularly. My father had already known him for years. Felman's constant enthusiasm, support, wealth of knowledge, sense of humor, and ultimately his presence in Chicago as a featured guest speaker made the planning and presentation of the event extra special. On that April 23rd afternoon he was walking out of an elevator in the lobby of the Congress Hotel on Michigan Avenue as I was walking toward it. I immediately knew who it was. Sharp and handsome in his dark blue blazer and blue jeans and white shirt with a silver and turquoise bolo tie around his neck, he was tan and buoyant, the youngest 72 I had ever seen! Given that the big night was only hours away, I couldn't give him the proper welcome he deserved, but he didn't hold it against me. He had come all the way from Arizona at his own expense and would give a speech that night that I would hear for the first time. Felman was charismatic and wonderful on stage, mesmerizing, educating, and entertaining the capacity crowd, all 1500 of them, who embraced him. He gave the audience full of Serb patriots what they so desperately needed to hear at that juncture in their history. In those dark days of the 1990s, as Serbs were being horribly demonized by the West while those in the homeland were fighting for their homes, their land, and their lives in the midst of a brutal civil war, Felman was there to assure them that they had a friend in the American community. He was a friend who believed in their cause, who appreciated them, and most importantly of all, who knew the truth, because he had lived it.

I'll never forget how pleased Major Felman was that General Mihailovich's 100th birthday anniversary was celebrated in a big way in Chicago. He had been afraid that the milestone would be ignored and allowed to pass by without being marked properly. That's the depth of gratitude and loyalty he felt for the General who had saved his life.

We continued to keep in touch by phone and by letter, as the piles of material he sent me continued to grow. This was gold to me as were his words of support and appreciation for keeping Draza's legacy and the story of the Halyard Mission alive. The next time I would see him in person was a year later, in May of 1994, when he again came to Chicago for the commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the Halyard Mission Rescue Operation. This was very special for it was not a Serbian event, but an official American event honoring the Serbs. The Halyard Mission was designated to open a week-long commemoration of the 50th anniversary of D-Day, which had officially been sanctioned by Washington, D.C. and the City of Chicago. My father and I were organizing and managing the event, and both Serbs and non-Serbs would be participating. Most importantly, Americans would be hearing Felman's testimony as well as the testimonies of Captain Nick Lalich and the Honorable Edward Derwinski, all of whom were featured speakers at this event, and it was truly an event to remember, a worthy tribute long overdue. Serb patriots and General Mihailovich were illuminated in the bright light of history that they deserved.

Major Richard Felman, kneeling, placing the wreath
at the Eternal Flame at Daley Plaza in Chicago, IL
in honor of the 50th anniversary of the
Halyard Mission Rescue Operation
May 1994.
Photo by Aleksandra Rebic

Felman spoke the following words at the 50th Anniversary Commemoration of the Halyard Mission that May of 1994. They echoed then. They echo even louder now:

"Every one of the airmen sitting here and throughout the country...I believe I can speak with one voice for every one of them...They will all join me in saying that throughout the entire time we were evading capture, no sacrifice was too great for the Serbian people in making us comfortable. It was they who sheltered us in the hills and in their farm houses, often at great risk to themselves. Those of us who were wounded received whatever medical supplies were available. If there was one slice of bread in the house, or one egg, it went to the American. If there was one blanket or one bed, it went to the American, while our Serbian host slept on the bare ground. Many of the peasants were tortured, tortured to death because they would not tell the Germans where we were. The many heroic stories and sacrifices they made on our behalf is something the airmen will never forget. I recall these sacrifices of 50 years ago every time I read in today's American press that the Serbs are murderers and some sort of two-headed monsters.

"Those that we met were all fine, decent, God-fearing people who were fighting for their freedom and their country. Were it not for them, there would not have been a Halyard Mission, nor would we have survived the war.

"To all those all-knowing political analysts and politicians who were in their diapers, literally, when WWII was going on, they know absolutely nothing about the people and the war. I would say to them that if they want to know anything about the Serbian people, to talk to the thousands of American grandchildren who are alive today because of these so-called monsters they are condemning. I would also tell them in the strongest possible terms about the anguish that we Americans would feel to see our fellow Americans go charging in with their guns blazing to kill some of the very same people who saved our lives.

"I don't believe our government should return their kindness and sacrifice by killing them."

Just one year later, the first "Western" bombing campaign against the Serbs in the former Yugoslavia began. And then in March of 1999, five years later, the massive 78 day NATO bombing campaign again the Serbs began. Major Richard Felman was devastated.

Even if you never met him personally, to have known Major Richard Felman was to read his eloquent words on the printed page and to hear him. The tears were real, the passion was true and contagious, and the frustration was immense yet completely subordinate to inspiring, pure gut level determination.

I would spend time with him again in July of 1996 for the 50th anniversary of the execution of General Mihailovich which was marked at New Gracanica Serbian Orthodox Monastery in Third Lake, IL near Chicago. Then, for the final time, I would have the opportunity to spend time with him in June of 1998 here in Chicago as he came to receive the Award of Merit presented to him by the Serbian Bar Association. His health was beginning to fail, but his words were still magic and the love between him and his audience of Serbs who had come to honor him was as real as it had always been. Just as in May of 1994, he was wearing the military uniform that he had worn over over half a century before as a young man in a big world war. At 77 he was wearing it proudly! Imagine that!

I'm so grateful that Major Felman got to see some of his efforts come to fruition while he was still living and that he did receive some of the honors and recognition he so richly deserved. His story "Mihailovich and I" was published in both the Serbian and English language. He was given the honorary rank of "Chetnik Colonel" by the great Voyvoda Momchilo Djujich with whom he was friends and whom we lost in September of 1999, just two months before we would lose Felman. He was personally decorated twice by King Peter II of Yugoslavia, first in 1946 with the "Royal Order of Ravna Gora", Yugoslavia's highest military decoration, then with the "Commemorative War Cross, 1941-1945" of the Royal Yugoslav Army in 1968. In April of 1997 he was made "Vitez"-"Knight of the Serbian People" by the World Serbian Community in Geneva, Switzerland.

Richard Felman effectively corrected history books through a letter writing campaign begun in the late 1970s to both Encyclopedia Britannica and Encyclopedia Americana asking them to revise their biographies on General Draza Mihailovich which had, prior to Felman's
initiative, characterized the Serbian General and leader of the WWII Chetniks as a brave but compromised man who had collaborated with the Nazis. Both volumes revised their biographies of Mihailovich due to Felman's efforts in the mid 1980s.

Though his dream of a memorial monument to General Mihailovich being established in Washington, a dream he and others like him fought hard for, was never realized, he did succeed in having a life size bronze bust made of the General and at his own expense donated several to the Serbian Community in the United States and Canada and to significant American institutions.

For the first time in history, there is official recognition of the Halyard Mission Rescue Operation of 1944 by an American museum, the Pima Air and Space Museum in Tuscon, Arizona, one of the largest aeronautical museums in the world. This museum now holds Felman's donation of the Mihailovich bronze bust on permanent display.

In 1990 Major Felman met with the head archivist of the Air Force Academy Library in Colorado Springs who found it hard to believe there was no record of their rescue in their files. By providing his story and his extensive documentation of "OPERATION HALYARD", Felman ensured that future American cadets will know about one of the most glorious moments in the history of the U.S. Air Force.

In 1995, for the 50th Anniversary of VE Day, Major Richard Felman, accompanied by his wife Mary Anne, returned with Captain Nick Lalich, and Lt. Col. Charlie Davis, both Halyard Mission veterans, to Serbia after 50 years and was met on the hills of Ravna Gora by 50,000 Serbian people who gave him a thunderous ovation. That, Major Felman would later say, was his shining moment, a huge highlight in a remarkable life.

Major Richard Felman (U.S.A.F. Ret.) in Serbia 1995
for the 50th Anniversary of VE Day.
Photo courtesy of Richard Felman.

The 1990s was a remarkable decade indeed for Richard Felman. Fortunately, he remained healthy and strong almost to the end. In June of 1998 Richard Felman was diagnosed with ALS, Lou Gehrig's Disease, a degenerative and terminal neuromuscular disorder. It seemed inconceivable that a man of such endless energy would be sidelined by such an illness. Word of his illness spread throughout the Serbian community, and he would receive hundreds of cards and letters from Serbs all over the world saying "Thank You" to the man who had dedicated the last 50 years of his life thanking them. That same June, after he was diagnosed, he traveled to Chicago for the last time, and I was blessed with the opportunity to see him and hear him speak once again and spend time with the man who had been such a beacon of light to so many of us. It would be the last time I would see him alive.

I last spoke to him over the phone on May 29, 1999. I had called to let him know I was thinking about him and to thank him as I had so many times before. I hung up without realizing it was his birthday. It would be the last time I would hear that wonderful voice. We continued to correspond by postal mail. I would not come to know and use the benefits of e-mail until February of 2000. How I wish I had e-mails from Felman in my archives...

It never ceases to amaze me how much communication there was within the Serbian community and beyond during the "war years" of the 1990s, before the Internet became a reality and an indispensable tool for sharing news, corresponding, and getting people mobilized. I wonder now how Felman would have handled social media. Even without any of that, he was a star.

After I last spoke to him in May, later that same year in 1999, when it was clear that it was just a matter of time, I called him, but he was no longer able to speak on the phone. I asked his wife to ask Major Felman if it would be okay if I wrote his obituary after he was gone. She told me that she would talk to him and let me know. A short time later she informed me that he had said “Yes, he would be honored if I did that”. I remember thinking, he’s got it all backwards.  The honor was all mine. I received a package of material from Felman just a few days later.

Major Richard L. Felman of the United States Air Force fought his last battle on Saturday, November 13, 1999. He died peacefully, in hospice care, with his wife Mary Anne by his side. He was survived by her and his brother Irwin. He had no children. On Tuesday, November 16, 1999 he was laid to rest at "All Faiths Memorial Park" in Tucson, Arizona.

In memoriam, my father shared his thoughts about Richard Felman, and he spoke for so many of us:

"He was one of a small number of non-Serbs who dedicated his life to promote the truth about Serbs as they were going through some of the darkest hours of their history. With Felman's death, one of the voices that enabled the Serbs to persevere through the last half of the 20th century has been stilled. Sailing will be harder without Felman."

Somehow it seems especially appropriate that Richard Felman was born close to the Memorial Day holiday and died close to the Veteran’s Day holiday. There is something just right about that.

Richard Felman was my dear friend. I will forever cherish the conversations we had and all the gifts of his documents and his cards, letters, and notes, and how he made sure to be present for our events and to be a highlight of those events. He was always an inspiration and a true motivator to do good. He understood what was necessary to keep a legacy alive and did what was necessary. It is we who must carry on the fight. He never forgot us nor did he forsake us Serbs when it would have been most convenient for him to do so in the 1990s. He never stopped saying that "For as long as I live I will never forget the enormous debt that I owe to the freedom loving Serbian people who gave their lives to save me and my fellow Americans."

Felman didn't just talk the talk. He walked the walk.

Back in 1993 for the Mihailovich 100th birthday celebration in Chicago Felman proclaimed something that garnered him a standing ovation: "Although I am an American Jew, in my heart I am a Serb!" And Felman meant it with all his heart.

Richard Felman met General Draza Mihailovich a long time ago in a foreign land in 1944 by virtue of being a casualty of war who was fortunate enough to survive. They prayed in a Christian Serbian Orthodox church together. They shook hands. They went on sabotage runs against the Germans, their common enemy. They shared shlivovitza – the 160 proof plum brandy that no visitor to the Serbian lands ever forgets, and they found a way to communicate. General Mihailovich left quite an impression on Richard Felman, and his wrongful execution at the hands of the communist criminals in Belgrade two years later in 1946 would leave a permanent scar.

Now, somewhere out there, as we Americans celebrate the Thanksgiving holiday, I’m sure that the two of them are spending time together again, the American with the Serb, two military men with much in common despite their differences. I believe that the Serbian General is as thankful to the American as the American was to him for all those years.

Felman, it's been 20 years, and I still miss you. I can still hear your warm, enthusiastic voice. You would love some of the developments that have happened since your passing. Progress is being made in Serbia with regards to General Mihailovich and his patriots being "rehabilitated" and honored in the proper way they deserve, but there is still much work to do… And yes, I imagine that you would balk at the thought of General Mihailovich having to be "rehabilitated", but you'd be smart enough to know that any positive progress should be welcomed and celebrated. I think you might enjoy “Facebook”, something that wasn’t invented yet when you were living. The Mihailovich Legacy is being kept very much alive via the technology of the Internet and for that we can all be thankful. We will not cease fighting the good fight, ever. So many young people both in the diaspora and in the homeland are now carrying the torch, and I know that would fill your heart with joy and pride.

We will never give up.  That is our pledge and promise to you and all those like you. And that is our commitment to our beloved General, his Chetnik forces, and the people who were loyal to them. May God bless you and hold you in the palm of His hand, Felman.

Just as you never forgot Draza Mihailovich and his patriots, we will never forget you.


Aleksandra Rebic
Chicago, IL U.S.A.
November 28, 2019



To read Felman's personal story,
"Mihailovich and I",
 please click on the link below:





*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,
please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

Судбину Драже Михаиловића одредиле светске силе / Sudbinu Draže Mihailovića odredile svetske sile / "Politika" Dec. 7, 2019

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Politika
Аутор: Бране Карталовић
Dec. 7, 2019

Судбину Драже Михаиловића одредиле светске силе

Американци били против искрцавања савезника на Јадрану, а команданта Југословенске краљевске војске у Другом светском рату Енглези предали Титовим комунистима, каже Милослав Самарџић, аутор документарца о вођи четничког покрета.


Фотографија тела Драже Михаиловића (Фото: Википедија)

Kрагујевац – „Много сам хтео, много започео, али је ратни вихор однео мене и моје дело...” Када су се чуле ове речи генерала Драгољуба Драже Михаиловића, измученог оптуженика, које он изговара у судници на крају монтираног процеса, у публици је настало комешање. То је претпоследња секвенца документарног филма о команданту Југословенске краљевске војске (у отаџбини), аутора Милослава Самарџића, уредника некадашњих „Погледа”, који је, у организацији Покрета обнове Краљевине Србије, приказан у препуној сали Скупштине града Крагујевца. Трен касније, када се на екрану појавила фотографија мртвог Драже и његовог оскрнављеног тела, сви су занемели.

– Дража је искасапљен. Али то не треба никог да чуди. Злочин је почињен у складу с духом времена и комунистичком идеологијом – каже Самарџић за „Политику”.

Наш саговорник открива да му је фотографију мртвог Драже дала Загорка Васић 1993. године, када се вратила у Србију из Америке.

– Загорка Васић је била секретар у влади Драгише Цветковића, а током рата Дражин обавештајац. Сахрањена је на манастирском гробљу у Жичи, где је, као искушеница, провела последње године живота. Негатив је уништен, а направљене су само три фотографије. Према мојим сазнањима, једна је била намењена Крцуну, друга Ранковићу, а трећа Светиславу Стефановићу Ћећи. Ипак, недуго после Дражиног убиства, фотографија је објављена у емигрантској штампи, због чега је у Београду избила велика афера – прича Самарџић, писац петотомног дела „Генерал Дража Михаиловић и општа историја четничког покрета”, који додаје да је аутентичност фотографије потврдила „друга страна”, то јест пуковник ЈНА, историчар Бранко Латас.

Самарџићев документарац о четничком вођи већ је приказан у 22 града у Србији, Републици Српској и иностранству. Премијера је била у Аделејду у Аустралији децембра прошле године, а аутор каже да је највише публике било на пројекцији у Бањалуци.

Филм траје 114 минута и нуди обиље документаристичке грађе, коју је аутор, како сам каже, сакупљао годинама. Снимање је помогла Организација српских четника „Равна Гора”, са седиштем у Чикагу.

У документарцу се појављује чак 11 саговорника. О Дражи, првом герилцу у Другом светском рату, говоре његови саборци, сведоци ратних и поратних дешавања, амерички историчари.

Посебно су интересантна сведочења пуковника Милоша Костића, припадника „зелених беретки”, Дражиног курира Уроша Шуштерича, који говори о формирању четничког одреда у Словенији, адвоката Петра Мићића, који је бранио Дражу, као и запажања професора Грегорија Фримана, стручњака за Други светски рат на Балкану, аутора књиге „Заборављених 500” о спасавању америчких пилота у акцији „Халијард”, те његовог колеге Кирка Форда, чији кабинет красе Дражина биста и слика.

Филм се може поделити у три дела. Први говори о школовању Драже Михаиловића и његовом учешћу у балканским и Првом светском рату, други, најдужи, посвећен је дешавањима у Другом светском рату, а у трећем делу је осветљена трагична судбина вође четничког покрета.

– Краљ Петар је првог децембра 1941, на дан стварања Краљевине Југославије, обнародовао да је Дража Михаиловић вођа устанка. Радио „Слободна Француска” преузима говор који преноси Би-Би-Си, а потом ту вест објављују и други медији. У Америци излазе стрипови о Дражи, Орсон Велс снима радио-драму, а „Холивуд” прави филм „Четници, борбена герила”. Први негативан текст о Дражи појавио се августа 1942, у листу Комунистичке партије Шведске. Временом, таквих текстова је било све више, а од 1943. године Американци и Енглези се интензивно споре око ратне тактике и односа према партизанима и четницима. Рузвелт је против искрцавања савезника на Јадрану, а Черчил нуди Стаљину „топло море”, под условом да овај настави да се бори против Хитлера. Тако Црвена армија прва улази у Краљевину Југославију, септембра 1944, што је био почетак слома четничког покрета – наводи Самарџић.

Генерал Михаиловић је ухапшен 13. марта 1946. године у босанском селу Оскоруша, општина Рудо, где се лечио од тифуса.

– Енглески обавештајци су Титовим комунистима предали радио-везе и обезбедили авионе. Уместо савезницима, како су мислили, Дражу су његови последњи саборци предали официрима Озне, који су га у полусвесном стању одвезли за Београд. Вест о хапшењу Драже, онако како се то догодило, објавио је „Чикаго трибјун”, потом и швајцарски лист „Журнал дивердо”. Прича о томе како је Дражу издао Никола Калабић јесте само још једна од комунистичких измишљотина –  каже Самарџић.

Дража је осуђен на смрт стрељањем, а убијен је пре истека рока за жалбу. Наш саговорник каже да се то највероватније десило у подземном склоништу војног комплекса на Топчидеру, где је, од 10. јуна до 15. јула 1946, и одржано монтирано суђење.


http://www.politika.rs/scc/clanak/443480/Sudbinu-Draze-Mihailovica-odredile-svetske-sile

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Politika
Autor: Brane Kartalović
Dec. 7, 2019

Sudbinu Draže Mihailovića odredile svetske sile

Amerikanci bili protiv iskrcavanja saveznika na Jadranu, a komandanta Jugoslovenske kraljevske vojske u Drugom svetskom ratu Englezi predali Titovim komunistima, kaže Miloslav Samardžić, autor dokumentarca o vođi četničkog pokreta.

Фотографија тела Драже Михаиловића (Фото: Википедија)

Kragujevac – „Mnogo sam hteo, mnogo započeo, ali je ratni vihor odneo mene i moje delo...” Kada su se čule ove reči generala Dragoljuba Draže Mihailovića, izmučenog optuženika, koje on izgovara u sudnici na kraju montiranog procesa, u publici je nastalo komešanje. To je pretposlednja sekvenca dokumentarnog filma o komandantu Jugoslovenske kraljevske vojske (u otadžbini), autora Miloslava Samardžića, urednika nekadašnjih „Pogleda”, koji je, u organizaciji Pokreta obnove Kraljevine Srbije, prikazan u prepunoj sali Skupštine grada Kragujevca. Tren kasnije, kada se na ekranu pojavila fotografija mrtvog Draže i njegovog oskrnavljenog tela, svi su zanemeli.

– Draža je iskasapljen. Ali to ne treba nikog da čudi. Zločin je počinjen u skladu s duhom vremena i komunističkom ideologijom – kaže Samardžić za „Politiku”.

Naš sagovornik otkriva da mu je fotografiju mrtvog Draže dala Zagorka Vasić 1993. godine, kada se vratila u Srbiju iz Amerike.

– Zagorka Vasić je bila sekretar u vladi Dragiše Cvetkovića, a tokom rata Dražin obaveštajac. Sahranjena je na manastirskom groblju u Žiči, gde je, kao iskušenica, provela poslednje godine života. Negativ je uništen, a napravljene su samo tri fotografije. Prema mojim saznanjima, jedna je bila namenjena Krcunu, druga Rankoviću, a treća Svetislavu Stefanoviću Ćeći. Ipak, nedugo posle Dražinog ubistva, fotografija je objavljena u emigrantskoj štampi, zbog čega je u Beogradu izbila velika afera – priča Samardžić, pisac petotomnog dela „General Draža Mihailović i opšta istorija četničkog pokreta”, koji dodaje da je autentičnost fotografije potvrdila „druga strana”, to jest pukovnik JNA, istoričar Branko Latas.

Samardžićev dokumentarac o četničkom vođi već je prikazan u 22 grada u Srbiji, Republici Srpskoj i inostranstvu. Premijera je bila u Adelejdu u Australiji decembra prošle godine, a autor kaže da je najviše publike bilo na projekciji u Banjaluci.

Film traje 114 minuta i nudi obilje dokumentarističke građe, koju je autor, kako sam kaže, sakupljao godinama. Snimanje je pomogla Organizacija srpskih četnika „Ravna Gora”, sa sedištem u Čikagu.

U dokumentarcu se pojavljuje čak 11 sagovornika. O Draži, prvom gerilcu u Drugom svetskom ratu, govore njegovi saborci, svedoci ratnih i poratnih dešavanja, američki istoričari.

Posebno su interesantna svedočenja pukovnika Miloša Kostića, pripadnika „zelenih beretki”, Dražinog kurira Uroša Šušteriča, koji govori o formiranju četničkog odreda u Sloveniji, advokata Petra Mićića, koji je branio Dražu, kao i zapažanja profesora Gregorija Frimana, stručnjaka za Drugi svetski rat na Balkanu, autora knjige „Zaboravljenih 500” o spasavanju američkih pilota u akciji „Halijard”, te njegovog kolege Kirka Forda, čiji kabinet krase Dražina bista i slika.

Film se može podeliti u tri dela. Prvi govori o školovanju Draže Mihailovića i njegovom učešću u balkanskim i Prvom svetskom ratu, drugi, najduži, posvećen je dešavanjima u Drugom svetskom ratu, a u trećem delu je osvetljena tragična sudbina vođe četničkog pokreta.

– Kralj Petar je prvog decembra 1941, na dan stvaranja Kraljevine Jugoslavije, obnarodovao da je Draža Mihailović vođa ustanka. Radio „Slobodna Francuska” preuzima govor koji prenosi Bi-Bi-Si, a potom tu vest objavljuju i drugi mediji. U Americi izlaze stripovi o Draži, Orson Vels snima radio-dramu, a „Holivud” pravi film „Četnici, borbena gerila”. Prvi negativan tekst o Draži pojavio se avgusta 1942, u listu Komunističke partije Švedske. Vremenom, takvih tekstova je bilo sve više, a od 1943. godine Amerikanci i Englezi se intenzivno spore oko ratne taktike i odnosa prema partizanima i četnicima. Ruzvelt je protiv iskrcavanja saveznika na Jadranu, a Čerčil nudi Staljinu „toplo more”, pod uslovom da ovaj nastavi da se bori protiv Hitlera. Tako Crvena armija prva ulazi u Kraljevinu Jugoslaviju, septembra 1944, što je bio početak sloma četničkog pokreta – navodi Samardžić.

General Mihailović je uhapšen 13. marta 1946. godine u bosanskom selu Oskoruša, opština Rudo, gde se lečio od tifusa.

– Engleski obaveštajci su Titovim komunistima predali radio-veze i obezbedili avione. Umesto saveznicima, kako su mislili, Dražu su njegovi poslednji saborci predali oficirima Ozne, koji su ga u polusvesnom stanju odvezli za Beograd. Vest o hapšenju Draže, onako kako se to dogodilo, objavio je „Čikago tribjun”, potom i švajcarski list „Žurnal diverdo”. Priča o tome kako je Dražu izdao Nikola Kalabić jeste samo još jedna od komunističkih izmišljotina –  kaže Samardžić.

Draža je osuđen na smrt streljanjem, a ubijen je pre isteka roka za žalbu. Naš sagovornik kaže da se to najverovatnije desilo u podzemnom skloništu vojnog kompleksa na Topčideru, gde je, od 10. juna do 15. jula 1946, i održano montirano suđenje.



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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

Saint Nicholas [Свети Никола], the Slava of General Draza Mihailovich, December 19, 2019

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Aleksandra's Note: Today, December 19, 2019, is a festive and important Christian holiday for the Serbian Orthodox faithful throughout the world. It is the Slava of Saint Nicholas, (Sveti Nikola) "Slava" being the patron saint's day of each Christian Serbian Orthodox family. Though there are different "Slava" saints and dates throughout the year, the Slava of St. Nicholas falls closest to Christmas and is the one most commonly celebrated by the Serbs.

This is the Slava of our beloved General Draza Mihailovich, and even during wartime he made sure to celebrate this special day.

Sincerely,
Aleksandra Rebic
December 19, 2019

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General Mihailovich celebrating his Krsna Slava
 St. Nicholas - Sveti Nikola
December 1943







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The Srpska Times
December 19, 2019

Saint Nicholas: The Most Common "Slava" Among Serbs



The Serbian Orthodox Church and its faithful celebrate St. Nicholas, one of the greatest Christian saints, protector of travelers, sailors, fishermen and rafters.

Saint Nicholas is the most common ”slava” (tradition of the ritual glorification of one’s family’s patron saint). More than 600 churches are dedicated to him.

"Slava" of St. Nicholas is of an unchanging date – December 6th according to the old, or December 19th according to the new calendar, on the day when that saint died in 343 AD.

St. Nicholas is also celebrated on May 22, in memory of the day when his bones were allocated from Myra in Lycia in 1096, to ,at that time orthodox, Bari in Italy, and laid in the Church of St. John the Baptist, which soon became a gathering place for pilgrims. Three years later, the people of Bari erected a magnificent church in honor of St. Nicholas.

Saint Nicholas, Archbishop of Myra, is celebrated throughout the Christian world. It is celebrated as a children’s holiday in Western Europe, because then the children, if obedient, receive gifts. He is the patron saint of the city of Amsterdam.

Saint Nicholas was born in the city of Patara in the region of Lycia, Asia Minor, by the parents of Theophanes and None, during the reign of Roman Emperor Valerian. As a child, Nicholas displayed unusual spiritual gifts. During his childhood life and later through his education, he wanted to become a priest, so his uncle, the archbishop, “produced” him as a priest for the city of Myra.

He began his spiritual life in the monastery of New Zion, where he became a monk. After the death of his parents, he distributed all the inherited property to the poor.

According to legend, guided by a divine voice, he set out to spread the faith, justice, and mercy among people, bringing comfort, peace, and goodwill by his appearance.

St. Nicholas falls at the time of Christmas fasting, so the faithful prepare fish and other fasting food.


http://thesrpskatimes.com/saint-nicholas-the-most-common-slava-among-serbs/


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****


Порука генерала Драже Михајловића свим Србима партизанима, уочи борби у које их је против ЈВуО повео Ј.Б.Тито.

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,,Срби, партизани!

Поставите питање вашим вођама, зашто вас сада, пред крај рата, када непријатељ издише, доводе у Србију. Ми смо довољно јаки да се ослободимо сами од непријатеља који се већ спрема да напусти нашу земљу. Зашто вас Тито не води у борбу против усташа који су поклали вашу браћу, жене, децу, него против нас који вам ништа нисмо учинили?

Коме је потребно да се Срби између себе кољу?

Пошто вам ваше вође неће сигурно одговорити на ова питања, то ћемо учинити ми. Треба уништити последње подручје на коме је један део српског народа остао бар унеколико очуван. Треба спасавати усташе од одговорности за милион покланих Срба. Треба сачувати Хрватску од страхоте грађанског рата.

Ви сте са граница Босне и Хрватске пребачену чак у Србију, да бисте тамо убијали вашу браћу и пустошили њихове домове.

Срби, партизани, освестите се и погледајте докле су вас ваше вође довеле. Престаните да будете оруђе у братоубилачкој борби која данас представља безумље и злочин према српском народу, чији сте ви и поред свега синови."


"Serbian Chetniks Australia"
on Facebook
December 2019


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

How the West lost World War II at Yalta / "Washington Examiner" Feb. 10, 2020

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Washington Examiner
Dan Hannan
February 10, 2020

How the West lost World War II at Yalta


Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin at Yalta, February 1945

Seventy-five years ago, we lost the war. Or, more precisely, we gave up on winning it.

Among all the 75th anniversaries marked by our politicians — D-Day, V-E Day, V-J Day — this week’s is the one that should make us squirm. On Feb. 11, 1945, at the Crimean resort of Yalta, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Joseph Stalin, and Winston Churchill agreed to a carve-up that condemned hundreds of millions of Europeans to tyranny and left the USSR as the only state to come through World War II wholly victorious.


That is not an easy thing to acknowledge. Even as I was writing the last paragraph, I felt as if I was somehow slighting the American, British, and other Allied soldiers (my late father among them) who, without making a fuss, dropped what they were doing and rushed to do their duty. Yet, 75 years on, we should be honest.


Why, after all, did World War II begin? There were a lot of contributory factors, obviously, but the immediate casus belli was Adolf Hitler’s invasion of Poland. Britain and France went to war to defend Polish sovereignty against a neighboring dictatorship that aimed to swallow up a large chunk of its territory. They ended up agreeing to leave Poland under the domination of a neighboring dictatorship that swallowed up a large chunk of its territory.


We can offer all sorts of explanations and excuses. Roosevelt was dying — he lived for only two more months, not long enough to see the socialist enslavement of Eastern Europe. But, frankly, even had he been in full health, watchful and alert, it is not clear how much more he could have done.


“Whoever occupies a territory gets to impose his own social system on it,” Stalin told the Yugoslav Partisan Miloslav Djilas. “Everyone imposes his system as far as his army can reach.” At that moment, Stalin’s army reached very far indeed, the most powerful force under mobilization. Denis Healey, the future Labour minister who was at that time a British Army major, remarked that “all the Red Army needed to reach the North Sea was boots.”


To challenge Soviet hegemony in the Eastern Europe, the Western allies would have needed to threaten force credibly. Churchill was prepared at least to consider that option, one of the reasons he was turned out of office in the election of July 1945.



Roosevelt was not prepared to do that. Credulous at the best of times, he placed great store by Stalin’s promise to implement the Four Freedoms. (How the old gangster must have chuckled.) In any case, he was desperate to bring the USSR into the war against Japan — a commitment that Stalin was happy to give.


So, the deed was done. Bulgarians, Czechs, Estonians, East Germans — all were condemned to two generations of occupation and misery. Polish soldiers had fought with grim patriotism across the Western theater — at the Battle of Britain, in North Africa, in Normandy. They sustained fearsome casualties at Monte Casino and Arnhem. Yet their Western allies were in no position to return the favor when, in 1945, their homeland was overrun for the second time.


Stalin was able to impose a ready-made government, put together in the Kremlin but lacking domestic support inside Poland. It was the same story in every conquered satrapy, except, to some degree, Yugoslavia. There were fewer than 4,000 Hungarian Communists when Matyas Rakosi returned to Budapest with the Red Army, and fewer than a thousand Romanian Communists (out of a population of 20 million) when Ana Pauker came back to Bucharest.


But Stalin knew how to work with useful idiots. His satellite parties were initially instructed to join coalitions or Popular Fronts, maintaining the facade of democracy until, through a combination of force and fear, they could assume total power. Western socialists mulishly refused to see what was happening.


We have been telling ourselves a lie ever since. It is perhaps an understandable lie, a lie born out of respect for the fallen. But it is a lie nonetheless.


The lie holds that, somehow, communism is not as bad as fascism. We like to think that the ascendancy of Stalinism, the secret police, the torture chambers, the gulags, was a price worth paying. We British, especially, need to tell ourselves that it all worked out in the end. Otherwise, what was our sacrifice for? We emerged in 1945 broken and bankrupt. We have still not paid off our wartime debt. We desperately want to believe that we won.


In fact, it was not until the Thatcher-Reagan years that we finally made some restitution to the nations betrayed at Yalta. If we must identify a Western victory, it came in 1989. Too late for millions.






https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/opinion/how-the-west-lost-world-war-ii-at-yalta

*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

Шта крију архиви ОЗН-е? Зашто није дошло до отварања досијеа тајне полиције? / 9. Mart 2020 y 19 часова / Правни факултет Универзитета у Београду

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НА ПРАВНОМ ФАКУЛТЕТУ - НА ПРАВОМ МЕСТУ:
ДЕВЕТОГ МАРТА [2020] три деценије од увођења вишестраначја у Србији:


О ауторитарном наслеђу данас и политичкој култури једног тешког времена.

Које су биле објективне размере терора и страдања?


Како је изгледала технологија и сценарио насиља?

Шта крију архиви ОЗНЕ?

Зашто није дошло до отварања досијеа тајне полиције?

Колико живимо последице?

ПОВОДОМ КЊИГА:

ОЗНА – репресија комунистичког режима у Србији 1944–1946. Документи.


Cећања Саве Банковића У предворју пакла.

ГОВОРЕ:

Проф. др ЛЕОН КОЈЕН
проф. др ЈОВИЦА ТРКУЉА
др СРЂАН ЦВЕТКОВИЋ
НЕМАЊА ДЕВИЋ


Музичка подршка: Зоран Све Јовановић
Драмска подршка : глумац Радован Миљанић


О КЊИГАМА:


Књига „ОЗНА: репресија комунистичког режима у Србији 1944–1946. Документи“ представља до сада највећу збирку оригиналних документа које говоре о технологији насиља којим је руководила ОЗНа непосредно иза Другог светског рата и о ликвидацији народних непријатеља. На основу докуемтнарне грађе дат је један пресек и детаљна анализа овог насиља.

Друга је књига сећања Саве Банковића „У предворју пакла“. Сава Банковић је човек који је преживео затвор ОЗН-е и масовне егзекуције да би после три месеца пакла у подрумима ОЗН-е био осуђен у два наврата на чак 20 година затвора због вербалног деликта и лажних оптужби.

Обе књиге читане заједно представљају идеалан спој искуственог и документарног које се надопуњује и даје целовиту слику о времену највећег страдања у миру у историји Србије које је и данас прећутано на највиђенијим медијима.


ДОБРОДОШЛИ!


Правни факултет Универзитета у Београду
Булевар краља Александра 67
11000 Belgrade, Serbia
Амфитеатар бр. 3
9 Mart 2020 y 19 часова


"U ime naroda za slobodnu Srbiju" i "Клуб за друштвене односе - Klub za društvene odnose"

*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,
please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

EASTER EPISTLE OF GENERAL DRAZA MIHAILOVICH 1945 / Васкршња посланица ђенерала Драгољуба Михаиловића из 1945. године / April 19, 2020

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EASTER EPISTLE OF GENERAL DRAZA MIHAILOVICH 1945

“We will continue today with the set goal. Exactly at 11h, all columns will stop at the places where they find themselves. In memory of the day of the resurrection of our God-man, we will pray to God. Priests will hold a short service. Then, we move on!

"Our struggle and our suffering is for human rights given by God. It is the way of the Lord Jesus Christ, in which he perished, but also resurrected.

"Centuries have neither defeated nor changed this, nor will the events of today.

"We may die in this battle, however victory is assured and benefits those who survive and those that come after us.

"Confident in your resolve to persevere to the end, I give you, my dear brothers-in-arms, my greeting:

"CHRIST IS RISEN!”


General Dragoljub Mihailovich
1945
*****

Васкршња посланица ђенерала Драгољуба Михаиловића из 1945. године.

„Продужићемо данас ка постављеном циљу. Тачно у 11ч, све колоне ће се зауставити на местима где се буду нашле. У сећању на дан Васкрса Богочовека помолићемо се Богу. Свештеници ће одржати кратку службу Божју. А онда, покрет даље!

"Наша борба и наше патње су за права човека Богом дана. То је пут Господа Исуса Христа на коме је и он Страдао, али и Васкрсао. Векови то нису оборили ни променили, неће ни појаве данашњице.

"Ми можемо у тој борби и изгинути, али је победа њена сигурна и благодети за преживеле и потоње.

"Уверен у вашу решеност да истрајете до краја, ја вам упућујем, драги моји саборци, мој поздрав:

"ХРИСТОС ВАСКРСЕ!"

Ђенерал Драгољуб Михаиловић
1945


English translation provided by Vera Dragisich
Secretary, Movement of Serbian Chetniks Ravne Gore


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

THIS WAS GENERAL DRAZA MIHAILOVICH / By Aleksandra Rebic April 2020

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General Dragoljub Draza Mihailovich


THIS WAS GENERAL DRAZA MIHAILOVICH

There is no grave site. There is no marker for his remains. It is as if they wanted to remove him not just from the earth but from the history of his country and the consciousness of his people. But they failed. Nowhere is this more evident than in those hills of Serbia they call Ravna Gora. And it is in those Ravna Gora hills where the true soul and spirit of Serbia can still be found.

July 17th is an important day for those who knew who he was and what he did. His name may or may not be familiar to you, but he may have been as important a figure in history as those whose names are imprinted in the national consciousness. He was Yugoslavia's General Draza Mihailovich, a Serb, whose life was taken from him on July 17, 1946. He was only 53 years old. He didn't die during the war, killed in battle. Instead, his life would end in the time of peace. He was a true hero, and he may have been one of the last of his kind in a part of the world that so desperately needs people like him today. As a child growing up very far away from where he made his mark, I came to know who he was in a very personal way.

Draza Mihailovich was born at the end of April 1893 in the small town of Ivanjica in the western part of the Kingdom of Serbia. He became an orphan as a young child, losing both his mother and father by the time he was only seven years old, and would be raised in Belgrade by close relatives. Through his uncles Draza developed an early love for the military and it would soon become his life. He excelled at the Military Academy and was groomed to become an officer. His fate would be sealed by virtue of the timing of his birth. His destiny was to become a participant in war after war, beginning with the First and Second Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913, then WWI (1914-1918), and finally WWII (1941-1945) during which he attained the rank of "General" and his name and cause became known all over the world. To this day he remains among the most decorated military officers in history. General Mihailovich was the kind of officer any man would be proud to serve under.

He was a true believer in the ideals of freedom and democracy and wanted those ideals to be the hallmark of his beloved Serbia. He was not a political man, and this would prove to be both his great virtue and his undoing. He knew and understood his people and was loyal to both them and to the democratic Western Allies in whom he believed. When the Nazis attacked and occupied Yugoslavia in April of 1941 and her government and army surrendered, making Yugoslavia yet another in the long line of Hitler's successful conquests in Europe, Draza Mihailovich opted not to surrender, but to resist. With him he took less than 100 men into the hills of Ravna Gora, Serbia in early May of 1941 and began a successful guerrilla resistance that would be the first of its kind in all of Nazi-occupied Europe in WWII.

Mihailovich made his position clear to the Germans. When the Germans attempted an armistice, he was unequivocal: "As long as a single enemy soldier remains on our soil, we shall continue to fight...Our fighting spirit is based on the traditions of a love for liberty and our unflinching faith in the victory of our Allies."

The Germans did not capitulate or evacuate. Mihailovich was good to his word. Severe and cruel Nazi reprisals began against the innocent Serbian civilian population in order to stop the resistance. The Nazi order issued in September of 1941 was unequivocal: For every one German soldier killed, 100 Serbian civilians were to pay with their lives. For every one German wounded, 50 Serbian civilians would pay the ultimate price. Because he was a compassionate man who loved his people, Mihailovich was compelled to alter his means of fighting the enemy in order to spare the lives of the innocents. He and his fighters would prove very adept at the sabotage campaigns that were crippling to the Nazi war machine.

Mihailovich's resistance to the Nazi forces that had attacked and occupied his homeland would have far-reaching implications for the outcome of the entire war. The Allies, bigger and stronger than he and his guerrilla fighters would come to owe much of the success of the Allied campaign against Hitler to Draza Mihailovich and his Chetniks.

The most tangible legacy of the resistance initiated in Serbia by General Mihailovich and his Chetniks in May of 1941 against Hitler's war machine was this: Hitler would be forced to keep several of his divisions in Yugoslavia just to fight the guerrilla resistance that had by now grown in number and foiled his plans for an easy conquest of Serbia. The ultimate consequence of this would prove fatal for the German Army.

Because Hitler was forced to keep several of his divisions in Serbia, his plan for the invasion of Moscow (Operation Barbarossa) was delayed for several weeks in the spring of 1941. The delay proved to be critical. By the time the German forces were within reach of Moscow, the brutal Russian winter had set in, and that was a force the Nazis could not overcome. Had the German forces not been delayed by the Mihailovich resistance in Yugoslavia, Moscow may well have fallen and the course of history would have been much different. Do the historians highlight or even talk about this very significant aspect of WWII? No, not yet, and that is what needs to change.

As pivotal as this delay caused by the resistance was, in the eyes of those whose lives General Mihailovich and his Chetniks affected directly, a feat was later accomplished that was even more significant.

During the course of the Allied bombing campaigns of the Ploesti oil fields in Romania, Hitler's primary supply of oil in the summer of 1944, hundreds of Allied airmen were shot down over Yugoslavia by the Germans. Over 700 of these airmen, more than 500 of them Americans, would end up on Serbian territory, but behind enemy lines, because it was occupied by the Germans. These Allied airmen would be rescued and protected and nursed back to health by the Serbs loyal to Mihailovich who, at great risk to themselves, would shelter, feed, and protect these men who were foreigners on their soil. Ultimately, these airmen, to the very last one, would be returned safely to their homes and their families as a result of a series of evacuations from August through December of 1944 now known as "The Halyard Mission" that would become the greatest rescue of American lives from behind enemy lines in the history of warfare. It was a grand rescue under extreme duress for they were surrounded by the occupying Nazi forces. 500 American young men would return home to become fathers and husbands and grandfathers who would tell their children and grandchildren the story of how their lives had been saved so many thousands of miles away by a man named Draza Mihailovich. Today, there are many Americans among us, both young and old, who owe their lives to this man.

The most significant aspect of these rescues was that General Mihailovich evacuated these hundreds of Allied airmen after the Allies had betrayed and abandoned him. For me, that will always be the measure of this man who personified honor in the flesh.

General Mihailovich would turn out to be a very tragic hero. Due to political game-playing, a severe lack of foresight, and devastating betrayal, Mihailovich would be abandoned by the Allies. The communist enemy, the Yugoslav Partisans with Marshal Tito as their leader, against whom Mihailovich and his Chetniks had fought as hard as they had fought against the Nazis, would prevail. In one of the worst cases of judicial travesty and miscarriages of justice, Mihailovich, after being captured by the Yugoslav communists, was tried by a kangaroo court in Belgrade on fabricated charges of collaboration with the enemy, declared "guilty" on July 15th, sentenced to death with no appeal, and executed by the communists on July 17, 1946. Though they valiantly insisted on being present at the trial and being allowed to give their testimonies as witnesses, not a single Allied airman who had been saved by General Mihailovich was allowed in that courtroom. I can only imagine the pain in their hearts when they heard the news that their living, breathing hero had become a martyr.

Two years after General Mihailovich's death, U.S. President Harry Truman, under the advisement of General Dwight D. Eisenhower, posthumously awarded Mihailovich the Legion of Merit in the rank of Commander-in-Chief, the highest combat award America can bestow upon a foreign national:




''General Dragoljub Mihailovich distinguished himself in an outstanding manner as Commander-in-Chief of the Yugoslavian Army Forces and later as Minister of War by organizing and leading important resistance forces against the enemy which occupied Yugoslavia, from December 1941 to December 1944. Through the undaunted efforts of his troops, many United States airmen were rescued and returned safely to friendly control. General Mihailovich and his forces, although lacking adequate supplies, and fighting under extreme hardships, contributed materially to the Allied cause, and were instrumental in obtaining a final Allied victory."


March 29, 1948. Harry S. Truman

Unfortunately, this award would be instantly classified and remained so for 20 years. Why, you ask? Imagine how uncomfortable it would be to explain why your country was awarding a medal of such distinction to a man it had abandoned in war.


I learned about this man, Mihailovich, as a child growing up in my home in Chicagoland, far, far away from Serbia. I cannot remember a time in my life that I did not know of him. I became familiar with his kind, warm face and the truly glorious things he did under impossible conditions through my father, Rade Rebic. It would be through my own steps up the steep, snowy paths of the legendary Ravna Gora hills in Serbia in February of 1995, the same hills in which he had first begun his great resistance, that I would come to appreciate the honorable things that General Mihailovich did first hand. No, there is no grave site yet in Serbia, but there in those hills his spirit is everywhere, and his legacy has prevailed over death.

It is wonderful to know that in this modern age so many of us, both young and old, are committed to doing what we can to honor this legacy and keep it vibrant and alive. All Americans and freedom loving people need to come to know who this man was as well as the nature of his cause.

General Mihailovich did huge things much of the world doesn't even know about. He was a good man, a virtuous and honorable military officer, and a patriot who was willing to sacrifice himself for his people, his homeland, and the noble ideals he believed in. He was a decent human being - one of the few truly good guys in the badness that is war.

Happy Birthday General Mihailovich. Your life and your work were not in vain. Even if one day it is found, no gravesite can hold you, for your spirit and your legacy are eternal.



Aleksandra Rebic
April 27, 2020
Chicago, U.S.A.




*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

Bosnia: Protesters condemn Mass for WWII Croat Nazi collaborators / "BBC" May 16, 2020

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BBC
May 16, 2020

Bosnia: Protesters condemn Mass for WWII Croat Nazi collaborators

Security has been stepped in Bosnia-Herzegovina's capital Sarajevo ahead of a Mass to honour Croatia's Nazi collaborators in World War Two.


Photo: Reuters

Anti-fascists organisations and activists took to the streets of the city to protest against the religious service.

The annual event, usually held in the Austrian town of Bleiburg where Croatia's pro-Nazi Ustasha regime troops had gone to surrender to British forces, was moved to Bosnia because of coronavirus restrictions.

Photo: Reuters

Thousands of people marched in Sarajevo, as police closely watched. There were no reports of violence.


Photo: Reuters

The fascist Ustasha regime ruled Croatia as a puppet regime of Nazi Germany from 1941 to 1945, their country having been expanded to include all of Bosnia and some parts of Serbia.

During that period, they set about exterminating the Serb, Jewish, and Gypsy inhabitants.

Photographs showing victims of Nazi forces and the Ustasha regime had been placed along the route of the protest march.

Photo: AFP/Getty Images

Big crowds later gathered in the city centre, as the Mass was condemned by Sarajevo's mayor, the president of Croatia, and the World Jewish Congress. The Nazi-hunting Simon Wiesenthal Center described the event as a "travesty of memory and justice".

Photo: Reuters

Police sealed off the area around the Sacred Heart Cathedral, where the Mass was held on Saturday morning. Sarajevo Archbishop Vinko Puljic, who led the service, rejected all the accusations and said praying for victims' souls did not mean approval of their acts.

Photo: EPA

A similar memorial event was held in Croatia's capital Zagreb. Tens of thousands of Nazi-allied Croatian soldiers and their families fled to Austria at the end of World War Two. But British forces handed them over to Yugoslav partisans, who killed many of them at Bleiburg and on a forced march back to Yugoslavia.




*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra,
please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****


Андрићеве симпатије за Дражу Михаиловића / "Нови Стандард" May 25, 2020

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Нови Стандард



Андрићеве симпатије за Дражу Михаиловића

Како је откривено да је Иво Андрић током окупације симпатисао Дражу Михаиловића и равногорски покрет, и зашто је хрватски национализам сматрао најопаснијим

Субота, пети децембар 1964. године, у стану Александра Вуча окупило се шире друштво: Иво Андрић, Душан Матић, Родољуб Чолаковић са супругама и Криста Ђорђевић. Јулијана Лула, Вучова супруга, позната надреалисткиња, спремила је гала вечеру. Домаћин, као и обично, приликом оваквих седељки, које су биле готово редовне, имао је специјални задатак да своје госте обавести о ономе што се збивало у београдској чаршији, али и шире. Био је пун новости и све је знао.

Вучо: „Брана Црнчевић дошао у Књижевни клуб у Загреб и питао: ’Ко је вечерас дежурни усташа у клубу.’ Људи схватили спрва као шалу, али кад је поновио, они реаговали и избацили га напоље.“

Чолаковић: „У Београду су одмах подузете мере: скинули му драму с телевизијског програма и оформљена је партијска комисија. Допада ми се таква брза и ефикасна реакција.“

Иво Андрић, скида наочаре, брише их, снебива се, збуњено се смешка и као да неће, прозбори: „Знате (кажу тако је увек почињао реченице) недавно у Дервенти, под прозором хотела у коме сам одсео разговарају две коне (комшинице):

– Чу л’ ти ноћас ону грмљавину и јеси ли се припала?

– Ма, како не бих чула, а припала сам се да не може горе бит. Грми и сјева, а у мене у кући све чланови партије.“

СКРИВЕНИ „ЗНАКОВИ“

А тачно десет година раније, скоро у дан, пре ове седељке на којој ће будући нобеловац осмислити типичан босански виц о Партији, Андрић је 13. децембра 1954, по сопственој жељи (мада постоје сведочења да га је на овај корак годинама убеђивао баш присутни Родољуб Чолаковић) примљен у Савез комуниста Југославије. Одлуку о томе, после дискусије, донела је Основна организација Савеза комуниста Србије при Удружењу књижевника Србије. Образложење је прочитао секретар партијске организације Милорад Панић Суреп. Била је то круна његових активности омеђених годинама 1944. и 1954.

Андрић је улагао велику енергију и савесно испуњавао дужности члана Управе Удружења књижевника у Београду, затим Управе Удружења књижевника Србије, а онда председника прве организације југословенских писаца – Савеза књижевника Југославије; народни је посланик за срез Травник, већник Трећег заседања ЗАВНОБиХ-а, члан Уставотворне скупштине и Президијума Народне скупштине БиХ, посланик је Већа народа Народне скупштине ФНРЈ; члан је делегација које бораве у Совјетском Савезу 1948. и у Турској 1953. године; потпредседник је Друштва за културну сарадњу Југославија–СССР, председник Друштва за културну сарадњу Босна и Херцеговина – СССР, члан Управног одбора Друштва за културну сарадњу Југославија – Француска; члан је Савезне комисије за упис народног зајма, Комитета интелектуалаца за одбрану мира, Управе Југословенског удружења за Уједињене нације, Одбора за иностране послове; члан је Уметничког савета за кинематографију, члан Савета за књижевност при Министарству за науку и културу у Влади ФНРЈ; члан је Националне комисије ФНРЈ за Унеско; члан Савезног одбора Народног фронта Југославије (на чијем је челу маршал Тито)…


Иво Андрић седи за столом у свом стану у Београду током 1960-их
(Фото: AFP/Profimedia)

Према доступној библиографији то је његов најплоднији период. Поред три романа и нове збирке приповедака, објављена су 162 његова рада – приче, репортаже, путописи, одломци из романа, говори и записи, чему треба додати и многобројна предавања одржана у разним приликама и различитим поводима.

Такав је живот да човек често мора да се стиди онога што је најлепше у њему и да управо то скрива од света, па и од оних који су му најближи – записао је Иво Андрић у Знаковима поред пута, као да је хтео да посредно појасни поједине „знакове“ из његовог богатог животног пута књижевника и дипломате о којима се мало зна и који су остали недовољно разјашњени. Иво Андрић је живео и умро с много тајни. И данас су тешко објашњива нека његова опредељења у животу и политици. Од разочарања у Загреб и Хрвате, и приклањања Србима, преко високог позиционирања у дипломатији свих Влада Краљевине, до сарадње са послератном влашћу и пријем у чланство Комунистичке партије Југославије 1954. године.

ДОСЛЕДНО ЈУГОСЛОВЕНСТВО

И ратне београдске године славног нобеловаца обавијене су велом мистерије. Када је као југословенски посланик у Берлину, у време немачког напада, враћан у Београд, понуђено му је, као Хрвату, да може да оде у Загреб и прикључи се дипломатској служби Павелићеве државе. Одлучно је одбио ову понуду и одлучио да ратне године проведе у српској престоници. Док рат букти у целој Европи, Иво Андрић стиже у окупирани Београд. Првог дана јуна 1941. усељава се у подстанарску собу код адвоката Бране Миленковића и његове мајке Каје, у стан на првом спрату, у Призренској улици број седам. Ушао је само с два кофера. И ту ће, између та четири зида, имати смирења и животног одушка да наредних година напише На Дрини ћуприју, Травничку хронику, Госпођицу, дела која ће му две деценије доцније донети Нобелову награду.

Његови биографи, пишући о тим годинама, бележили су да се Андрић „држао резервисано“ и трудили се да нагласе његово немирење с окупацијом, и позивали су се на његово одбијање да потпише антикомунистички Апел српском народу и предлог Српске књижевне задруге да објави избор његових приповедака. Овим одлукама он је показао свој став према окупаторима и Недићевој квислиншкој „држави“. Улазак ослободилаца у Београд 20. октобра 1944, вод црвеноармејаца, дочекао је на Теразијама с Миланом Ђоковићем и Рашком Димитријевићем. Стајали су на почетку Призренске улице, педесетак метара од Андрићевог стана. Када је поред њих прошла претходница, петорица црвеноармејаца, Андрић је рекао: „Шта да им дамо? Победнике треба даривати“, записао је Милан Ђоковић у својим дневницама.

Одмах после ослобођења и успоставе власти Титових партизана, грађански Београд и сви они који нису могли да се помире с новом стварношћу, почињу да говоре о Андрићу као „водоноши комунистима“, да се „упрего у комунистички јарам и вуче ли вуче узбрдо“. Делом чаршије кренуле су приче о његовој недоследности, прерушавању, издаји моралних начела, превртљивости и прилагођавању политичким околностима, конвертитству. Да је заборавио како је краљевском режиму служио предано и послушно. Многи су се питали да ли је „морао да се толико понизи?!“ Да ли је то због неких „досијеа које комунисти имају, којим га уцењују?“ Прилепили су му етикете „језуита“, „фра Иван-бег“, „дон Иво“…

У таквим околностима није чудно што се нико није присетио да је Андрић био у свом југословенству више него доследан. Био је то од тренутка када је почео политички мислити. И на самом почетку, чим је осетио ширење антијугословенског расположења у Хрватској, у загребачким Новостима осмог новембра 1918. објављује програмски чланак под насловом „Незвани нека шуте“. А када је српска војска ослободила Београд, цео дан је шпартао загребачким улицама огрнут српском заставом. Уосталом сви његови младобосанци су у основи били југословенски националисти, чак и они који нису били за то да се „меша српско вино са југословенском водом“. А потом већина их је завршила у некој од варијанти социјализма.

Човек његовог осећаја за танане историјске нијансе и дубоког промишљања узрочно-последичних односа између савремености и прошлости морао је да буде свестан целокупне трагедије рата и невиђеног цивилизацијског пада који је изазвала националистичка мржња. Зашто би онда сумњали у његову искрену мисао да још једном покуша да се вољно интегрише у изградњу новог поретка, да допринесе новој Југославији па макар то било с комунистима.

Иво Андрић испред чувене ћуприје на Дрини у Вишеграду (Фото: pastvu.com)

У вили Стојчевцу код Сарајева, другог августа 1966. године, бележи у Дневнику Родољуб Чолаковић, у присуству Авда Хума, после доручка Иво говори о (Мустафи) Мујки Голубићу. Били су другови из ђачких клупа у Сарајеву. Волео је Иво Мујку, називао га витезом, правдољубивим и истинољубивим, чистим и честитим. За њега је говорио да није био заокупљен интелектуалним проблемима, али да је био човек од акције. Каже да је имао смисла за хумор. Волео је Мујке – каже Андрић – да се постави заштитнички и онда је био кадар да се за онога кога брани и побије. Дружили су се у Бечу 1923. године. Мустафа илегалац, шеф Коминтерниног одељења за Југославију, а Андрић краљевски дипломата. Да ли је у тим бечким шетњама дошло до неке (обавештајне) сарадње. Прејака и преслободна теза. Али није немогућа. Поготово када су та два карактера у питању. Можда ту лежи одговор зашто је Иво постао „водоноша комунистима“, зашто је постао потпредседник Друштва за културну сарадњу Југославија – СССР, зашто је на бини, на Првомајској паради у Москви 1948, стајао десетак метара од Стаљина.

ФЛЕРТ С ДРАЖОМ

У годинама које су следиле, у затвореним круговима, дискретно се шири прича да је он током окупације симпатисао Дражу Михаиловића. Неки од његових савременика то бележе у тајним рукописима који ће на светлост дана изаћи много деценија доцније. Андрићев флерт са Равном Гором и Дражом постаје омиљена тема у емигрантској публицистици и мемоарима које су објављивали истакнути припадници четничког покрета. Коста Ст. Павловић, шеф кабинета предратних и емигрантских краљевских влада, објавио је у књизи Поезија и проза (Женева, 1977) да је „његова повученост (Андрићева, за време окупације) била, по речима неких заједничких пријатеља, само привидна, јер се био прилично уплео у покрет отпора, и то на страни генерала Драгољуба Михаиловића, коме је чак, једном писменом поруком, изразио подршку“.

Вођа четничког покрета, наводно, био је усхићен када му је пренета порука књижевника из Београда. Исти аутор записује у свом Ратном дневнику 1941–1945: „У четвртак, 23. децембра 1943, добио сам прве вести од Младена Жујовића. (…) Кришом је долазио у Београд. Тамо је виђао Андрића, који је у Дражином београдском одбору.“ Младен Жујовић је иначе био члан Централног националног комитета, из иностранства.

О Андрићевом равногорском педигреу пише и Димитрије Ђорђевић, професор историје на Калифорнијском универзитету, а од 1970. члан је САНУ. У мемоарима Ожиљци и опомене он каже: „Брана Страњаковић је био присутан када је 1942. године Иво Андрић посећивао његовог стрица, професора Драгослава Страњаковића, члана Дражиног централног комитета.“

Синиша Пауновић у тексту објављеном 1991. у НИН-у пише да је Александар Белић, председника Српске академије наука, 1942. године скренуо пажњу Иву Андрићу да генерали, међу њима и његова рођена браћа Владимир и Емил, говоре да је Михаиловић „шупљоглавац“ и „пијандура“. Иво је на то одговорио да је Дража – „нови Карађорђе“.

Сведочанство на ову тему оставио је и Коста Тимотијевић у запису „Зашто је лева грађанска интелигенција починила класно издајство?“ у коме пише: „Многи су чекали ослобођење са зебњом у срцу (…) Марко Ристић и Аца Вучо обрађивали су Иву Андрића, спасавајући га од одласка на Равну Гору. Наводно је имао и униформу сашивену.“

Споменик Дражи Михаиловићу и Црква Светог Ђорђа на Равној Гори (Фото: BrankaVV/Wikimedia Commons)

Иронијом судбине, како то код нас почесто бива, и ма како то наизглед парадоксално звучало, једини опипљив документ о Андрићевим везама с равногорцима налази се баш у његовом партијском досијеу у Картотеци ЦК СКЈ. Реч је о документу који је настао три и по месеца по пријему писца у редове „радничке авангарде“. По свему судећи, ова одлука актива Удружења књижевника је изазвала буру у партијском врху. Разноразни душебрижници, партијске бирократе, овисници чаршијских распредања, почели су да ваде испод тепиха све грехе бившег дипломате, нарочито његово драње за време рата, зачињено питањем – шта ће он међу нама. На делу су била озбиљна закулисна настојања да се оспори Андрићев улазак у СКЈ. Остало је забележено да је Ђуро Пуцар рекао Чолаковићу „док си ти лио крв, Андрић је био амбасадор“.

Тај спис је заправо изјава коју су потписали 30. марта 1955. године Марко Ристић и Александар Вучо, на којој је следећа напомена: „Марко Ристић и Александар Вучо, који су се за време окупације често виђали са И. Андрићем, о његовом држању за време окупације дали су ову изјаву: ’Антинедићевац од првог дана, Андрић је с одобравањем и дивљењем примио прве вести о устанку у Србији, и побијао је тврђење недићеваца, капитуланата, и кукавица, да је тај устанак ’преурањен’. Искрен родољуб, човек који је у току Првог светског рата лежао три године у аустријским затворима, Андрић је веровао да су тзв. националистичке снаге оне које се налазе на челу оружаног устанка, али не остајући слеп пред чињеницама, он постепено увиђа да су те снаге, са Дражом Михаиловићем, издајничке, и поштено ревидира извесне своје заблуде и илузије. После једне искрене морално-политичке кризе, Андрић се у тренутку ослобођења нашао спреман да обнови и напретку своје домовине лојално помогне. Његова добронамерност и искреност у том тренутку нису могле бити стављене у сумњу и то можда баш зато што његово опредељење није било плод неког наглог, опортунистичког обрта, него једног спорог, поштеног ’испита савести’.“

Овај, у јавности мало познати документ, открили су Ратко Пековић и Слободан Кљакић и објавили га у малчице прећутаној књизи Ангажовани Андрић 1944-1954. Да би сведочење Ристића и Вуча добило на тежини и примирило подозрив део руководства, истог дана „Карактеристику“ за Иву Андрића пишу и Милорад Панић Суреп, Душан Костић и Ерих Кош. „То значи“ – закључују Пековић и Кљакић – „Андрићеви контакти са четницима нису били непознаница за неке угледне и утицајне представнике нове власти после 1944. године, а вероватно ни за њене репресивне органе, оличене у Кноју и Озни.“

РАЗЛАЗ С КОМУНИЗМОМ

Како је време одмицало, Андрић се лагано, њему својствено, разилазио с југословенским комунизмом. У писмима Родољубу Чолаковићу пише да осећа да га обузима нека тескоба. Вели „да се треба полако повлачити са сцене, одлазити из гужве“. Нису позне године у питању, него све више политичких неспоразума око њега. У стану код Андрићевих, 22. децембра 1965, њих двојица разговарају о Осмом конгресу Савеза комуниста Југославије и новом статуту. Иво каже: „Није у питању оваква или онаква организациона форма Савеза него међународни односи. Могло се решити и другачије, а да се не потцењује нико. Овако, шта ћемо значити пред светом расцепкани на шест литература. Медиокритети ће добити, они и јесу најгрлатији. А добру књигу превешће свако, не питајући је ли аутор Хрват или Македонац. Али медиокритети ће галамити да и њих треба преводити ради афирмације националних култура.“

Његова нада у југословенски комунизам зачета 1945. почињала је да се гаси и он наговештава буру и трагичан расплет који се примицао. У дневничкој белешци од четвртог јула 1969. Чолаковић цитира његово писмо да се „у одређеној међународној констелацији“ Југославија може распасти. То је било 21 годину пре њеног стварног распадања, и заиста у одређеним међународним околностима. У фебруару 1970. пише да му је Густав Крклец испричао како у Загребу због национализма нема атмосфере за рад. А Андрић на то додаје: „Ово је само почетак, видећете шта ће се све из оваквих ставова излећи.“ Пет месеци доцније, средином јуна, поново се исповеда Чолаковићу – из Сарајева се увек враћа с мешовитим осећањем – „узнемири ме онај добро познати задах шовинизма и растужи сазнање да више немам снаге за путовање“. За Крлежу каже да не зна како ће завршити с оним што ради: „Некада велики Југословен, сад постаје провинцијални Хрват, оно што је некада страшно жигосао.“

Четири године касније, када је посао око Устава из 1974. био готов и стављена тачка на заједничку државу, човек који је познавао Гаврила Принципа и Хитлера, и који је знао шта све људи људима могу да учине, тврди да му је хрватски национализам најопаснији „због снаге која иза њега стоји – Католичка црква, моћна, с неисцрпним средствима и образованим и дисциплинованим кадром (…) у атмосфери која унаказује душе људи нечим ирационалним и злим“.

Иво Андрић као амбасадор Краљевине Југославије у Берлину (Фото: blic.rs)

Флерт с Дражом није био једини разлог за накнадно преиспитивање партијске подобности будућег нобеловца. Над Андрићем се те 1954. године надвила и сенка Милована Ђиласа. У историји наше послератне књижевности остао је готово непознат податак да је баш у последњем броју часописа Нова мисао, који је забрањен 10. јануара 1955. због Ђиласовог текста „Анатомија једног морала“, објављен, први пут, велики одломак романа Проклета авлија „опрезног“ Иве Андрића. Објављивање Проклете авлије требало је да буде и литерарно сведочанство, метафора о ужасима логорског живота 20. века. Иво Андрић је прихватио да у том надстраначком часопису штампа своје дело. Одломак из Авлије није био једини контакт са овим часописом. У другом броју објавио је обимну повест „Немирна година“ а припремио је реферат о „Психологији стваралаца данас“. Ова забрана, из које ће се изродити први политички дисидент из социјалистичког лагера, утицала је на Иву, као да је на себи осећао да га стално прате неке неповерљиве и невидљиве очи.

НОБЕЛ И ТИТО

А када је стигла вест из Стокхолма да је добио Нобелову награду, невелик, трособан стан је препун. Сјатили су се тамо писци и домаћи и страни новинари. Како су извештавале новине, телефон не престаје да звони, „зову новинари из Беча, Стокхолма, Рима, Париза и траже интервјуе“. Једини није био узбуђен лауреат.

„Мени се чинило да је био уплашен… Андрић је знао какву ће завист изазвати ловор који је стављен на његову главу јер су државни фаворити за то признање били неки други писци. Знао је опет, ако се покрене прича о њему, да ће се сви најлакше сложити да је он гори од свих. Милован Ђилас је тада био у затвору и он се плашио да ће га страни новинари питати за њега. Предраг Палавестра ми је испричао да га је Андрић замолио да у случају да се то деси он ускочи са неким другим питањем па ће одговорити њему, а заборавити на претходно питање“, сећа се тих дана Матија Бећковић.

Добрица Ћосић, у белешкама о сусрету с Андрићем, из периода Нове мисли, пише: „На моје питање да ли је Проклета авлија метафора за 1948, Информбиро и Голи оток одлучно је одговорио да му то није било у памети… Тим поводом је доста убедљиво одбијао сваке данашње филозофске и идеолошке импликације и тенденције у Проклетој авлији и својим делима.“

После доделе Нобелове награде Добрица Ћосић је у више наврата покушавао да убеди Јосипа Броза да приреди пријем за Иву Андрића. Највећи син наших народа и народности смиловао се тек после годину дана. Протокол председника Републике, којим је руководио Сплићанин др Словен Смодлака, важио је за један од најбољих у свету. Али, авај, у случају нашег нобеловца, случајно или намерно направљен је велики пропуст. Обавештене су све званице осим Андрића. Он је сазнао тек када су га на дан пријема позвали и питали да ли му је потребан превоз до Белог двора. Није преостало ништа друго до да се Иво и супруга Милица спреме наврат-нанос и седну у такси.

У салону за пријем, поред Тита, били су Јован Веселинов, Крсте Црвенковски, Добрица Ћосић и Богдан Црнобрња. Послужени су кафом и соком. Добрица је оставио забелешку о овом сусрету: „Била је доиста мучна та изнуђена приредба одавања државне почасти великом писцу. Тито маршалски званичан, Андрић амбасадорски уштогљен и дипломатски конвенционалан, Јованка весела и радознала ’како друг Андрић пише?’, Милица Бабић господствено дистантна. (…) Очекивао сам да ће нас Тито задржати на ручку с обзиром да нас је примио у 11 сати и да смо били послужени само кафом и лимунадом. Тачно у 12 Тито је одложио своју лулицу са допушеном цигаретом и устао; устали смо и сви ми за њим; па смо се руковали с лажном срдачношћу. (…) Тито ме задржа на часак да ми каже: ’Неки много скроман човјек овај Андрић.’ Сагласио сам се.“

Јосип Броз Тито предаје Иву Андрићу Орден Републике са златним венцем (Фото: Музеј историје Југославије)

Пријем је уприличен, поменусмо, готово годину дана након што је Андрић добио „Нобела“, 10. октобра 1962. Пре кафе и лимунаде писцу је уручен Орден Републике са златним венцем „за нарочите заслуге у дугогодишњем раду на пољу књижевне, културне и јавне делатности“.




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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

Croatia’s fascist movement is on the rise yet again / "The Independent-UK" June 25, 2020

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The Independent - UK
Menachem Z. Rosensaft
June 25, 2020

Croatia’s fascist movement is on the rise yet again

Germany has outlawed the symbols of its Nazi past. It’s time the same was done in Croatia to stop the rehabilitation of the Ustaša movement while authorities turn a blind eye.


Fascism was and is a far-right, authoritarian and ultra-nationalist ideology. It is predicated more often than not on a belief in racist or ethnic superiority coupled with often violent xenophobia, antisemitism, and other forms of bigotry. During the Second World War, home-grown fascist movements throughout Europe joined Nazi Germany in perpetrating genocide and crimes against humanity against minorities in their respective countries. The Croatian Ustaša organisation was one such movement.

In the so-called Independent State of Croatia, a Nazi-puppet state carved out in 1941 from what had been the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the fanatically nationalist and separatist Ustaša, led by Ante Pavelić, aggressively and ardently murdered hundreds of thousands of Serbs and tens of thousands of Jews, as well as many Roma and Croatian anti-fascists.

For some time now, we have been witnessing a widespread attempt to rehabilitate and legitimize the Ustaša by characterizing it and its members as patriots rather than as cold-blooded murderers and war criminals. This is a falsification of history, made worse by the fact that similar scenarios are being played out across eastern and central Europe.

Still, the glorification of the Ustaša in Croatia, often with the tacit if not blatant support of authorities, stands out as the most egregious manifestation of such malignant historical revisionism. At a time when Americans are removing and tearing down monuments to men who supported slavery, it is unseemly that large segments of Croatian society seem oblivious to the horrific crimes committed in its name by the Ustaša.

In order to carry out their genocidal scheme, the Ustaša established a network of concentration camps infamous for their brutality and comparable to the barbarity of the German death camps. The most notorious of these was Jasenovac, often referred to as the “Auschwitz of the Balkans,” where, according to the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, somewhere between 77,000 and 104,000 Serbs, Jews, Roma, and Croat opponents of the Ustaša regime were brutally murdered. The Jasenovac Memorial Site has identified by name 83,145 victims who perished there.

And yet, extremist right-wing elements in Croatia have for years tried to sanitize the interrelated connotations of Jasenovac and the Ustaša.

In 2016, Jakov Sedlar, a controversial Croatian filmmaker, produced a documentary film entitled Jasenovac – the Truth which portrayed Jasenovac as a benign labour camp whose number of victims had been greatly exaggerated. After attending the film’s widely-publicised premiere, Zlatko Hasanbegović, the extreme-nationalist Croatian minister of culture, declared that, “This is the best way to finally shed light on a number of controversial places in Croatian history.”

In 2018, the journalist Milan Ivkošić grotesquely wrote in Croatia’s most-read daily, Vecernji list, that while conditions at Jasenovac may have been severe, “there was fun in the camp. There were sporting matches, especially football, concerts, theatrical performances . . .”

Fun? In Jasenovac?

In an oral history interview taken by and maintained at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, former Jasenovac prisoner Milo Despot described witnessing how a Ustaša unit took more than 100 Serb girls on a barge, ordered them to take off their clothes and then grabbed them by their hair, cut their throats, and threw their corpses into the river.

In another testimony, Mara Vejnovic said that she saw the Ustaša kill a group of children with poisonous gas in a Jasenovac barrack.

Equally troubling is the widespread use of the Ustaša slogan “Za dom spremni,” or “Ready for the Homeland,” as a euphemism for racist or xenophobic slurs that are, in theory at least, prohibited under Croatian law. “Za dom spremni” was the Ustaša equivalent of the Nazi “Sieg Heil” salute, and its present-day use leaves little to the imagination. When the term is shouted by Croatian fans at a football match against an Israeli team, the crowd hears the antisemitic dog-whistle loud and clear.

A case in point is the ongoing controversy surrounding Marko Perković, the popular ultra-nationalist Croatian singer known as Thompson, who for years has prominently shouted and sung “Za dom spremni” during his performances with only minimal adverse consequences.

Most recently, the Court of High Misdemeanors in Zagreb ruled that Perković’s use of this fascist salute did not violate public order and breach the peace. The Croatian Constitutional Court subsequently reiterated that “Za dom spremni” was an Ustaša greeting of the Independent State of Croatia, and that its use is inconsistent with the Croatian Constitution. The fact remains, however, that the Croatian authorities, for the most part, turn a blind eye to the reintegration of Ustaša terminology into their country’s contemporary culture, and, by extension, into the wider Croatian political mindset.

In sharp contrast, Zoran Milanović, Croatia’s president, has demonstrated tremendous courage and integrity in publicly opposing and condemning any legitimization of the Ustaša. To the fury of right-wing elements and the Croatian war veterans’ minister, he has called for the removal of a “Za dom spremni” plaque in a town near Jasenovac. President Milanović also left a ceremony commemorating a 1995 Croatian offensive against Serb separatists when several participants sported T-shirts with the Ustaša slogan.

The time has come for the international community to speak out loudly and clearly against any glorification or rehabilitation of those movements and individuals that perpetrated some of the most gruesome crimes in history. Germany has outlawed the symbols of its Nazi past. Croatia must now effectively prohibit and prosecute all evocations of the Ustaša.


Menachem Z. Rosensaft is associate executive vice president and general counsel of the World Jewish Congress. He teaches about the law of genocide at the law schools of Columbia and Cornell Universities.


https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/croatia-fascism-nazi-usta-a-sasenovac-antisemitism-zoran-milanovi-a9583146.html


*****

If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

PETICIJA: СПОМЕНИК ГЕНЕРАЛУ ДРАГОЉУБУ ДРАЖИ МИХАИЛОВИЋУ У БЕОГРАДУ / PETITION: Monument to General Mihailovich in Belgrade, Serbia

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Генерал Драгољуб Дража Михаиловић је први устаник окупиране Европе од нацизма, чувар и носилац најдрагоценијих слободарских тековина српског народа.

Носилац најзначајнијих признања од америчког и француског председника, генерал кога су се на крају Другог светског рата одрекли и краљ и савезници а он се њих одрекао није, човек који је осуђен у монтираном комунистичком процесу, мученик који је убијен под велом тајне и не зна му се гроб.

Ако су одлуком Народне скупштине републике Србије припадници покрета Драже Михаиловића изједначени са партизанима у антифашистичкој борби, онда захтевамо да се српска престоница одужи генералу Михаиловићу подизањем споменика у центру Београда.


Бранимир Нешић, издавачка кућа Catena mundi


https://www.peticije.online/289545



If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com


Interview with Serbian journalist and historian Miloslav Samardžić, on the foundations of the communist ideology, communism in Yugoslavia and America, and Trump / "Conservative Hardliner" Oct. 22, 2020

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 Conservative Hardliner

October 22, 2020

Milos

Interview with Serbian journalist and historian Miloslav Samardžić, on the foundations of the communist ideology, communism in Yugoslavia and America, and Trump.


(Editor's note: This is an interview by our writer Milos in Serbia, with Miloslav Samardžić, a journalist and historian who knows very well the communists' insatiable thirst for power.  He gives us a walk through several points in history, and has an excellent perspective on the communist movement here in the United States.  In fact, in the final words in the interview, he makes an excellent point on why the communists' chances for success are nil, which was a perfect way for the interview to end.  It also never ceases to amaze me how someone like Milos or Miloslav, who live on the other side of the planet, understand our country better than seemingly every leftist who lives here.  We think you'll enjoy this interview very much, especially with the AntiFa-BLM Marxists failing everywhere.)

Mr. Samardžić, can you tell us something about your biography? How did you become interested in history, and especially in the WWII?

I graduated from the Faculty of Economics in the city of Kragujevac, and before that from the high school of journalism. As a freshman, I also graduated from the journalism school of "Večernje novosti" ("Evening news"), then the highest-circulation newspaper in Yugoslavia. I was one of their correspondents. Afterwards, I became an associate, and then the editor of the newspaper "Pogledi" ("Views"), a student newspaper of the University of Kragujevac. Journalism schools, as well as the experience from "Novosti", were crucial, both for my future career and for "Pogledi". Namely, in one student newspaper, I introduced professional standards. That was in 1987, when I became editor-in-chief.


At that time, I already had a year of experience with the secret police, which was called SDB, analogous to the KGB. Let me remind you, Yugoslavia was still a socialist, that is, a communist, country. The secret police had spies in all the companies, and they especially wanted to control the students. They called me for a so-called informative conversation the first time in early October 1986. The previous issue of "Pogledi" was banned by the decision of the public prosecutor in Belgrade, and burned. Half of the editorial office was replaced. I found myself in the remaining half, because I was editing the "University" section, within which the disputed articles for the prosecutor were not published. Those criticisms of the regime were, by the way, less than one percent of the criticisms that Trump receives today in some newspapers in America. But, even that little was not allowed.


That first "informative conversation", which, of course, I will always remember, had the goal of intimidating me. On the wall of the office hung a "Heckler", under which sat a huge inspector, who just kept silent and looked across at me. Across from me sat a smiling inspector, who, among other things, told me that the other one was serving them, for example, to take out the refrigerator on the 10th floor, when the elevator was not working...


Of course, my chair was much lower than theirs.


The one who laughed, talked a lot, obviously with the desire that I see he knew everything. Indeed, he knew in detail what we, the members of the editorial office, were talking about, not only in the office, but also on the street. In general, he knew very well the situation in the student press, as well as in the student movement, throughout the country. Later, I found out that they were tapping our phones and that several members of the editorial board and journalists worked for them. I think their motive was primarily fear.


Of course, they scared me, too. It was clear that they could do whatever they wanted to anyone. Under socialism, there is no control of the secret police, no association of civil rights activists, there are no civil rights either. On the contrary, there were laws according to which you could be convicted if you say something against them, even a joke, and especially if you criticize socialism in general and the "character and work of Josip Broz Tito" in particular. He passed away in 1980, after which they passed a law that, word for word, was called: "Law for the protection of the name and work of Josip Broz Tito".


But they didn't scare me for good. I served in the army in special units, the "Heckler" seemed like a toy to me in relation to the "Kalashnikov" that I carried, and especially to my former sniper. I practiced karate and some other Japanese martial arts. After all, I was 24, when everything looks different.


In short, they scared me, but not blocked me. Because of them, I published more slowly, but I still published. Thus, in November 1989, I published the first affirmative article about General Draža Mihailović. He was decorated in America, but in Yugoslavia, he was 100% satanized. If I had published it only a few months earlier, I would have ended up in prison no doubt. Then, however, exactly that month, dictator Ceausescu was killed in Romania, and with him many members of the secret police. This significantly influenced the events in Yugoslavia. Besides, Slobodan Milošević came to power in Serbia a little earlier. He was later satanized all over the world. However, he had a positive role at the time, as he was the first politician to oppose the cult of Josip Broz Tito. So, the cult of the dictator and the mass murderer, under whose picture they swore before each session. Until Milošević refused, in 1988. Also, Milošević reduced the pressure on students, and allowed a certain freedom of speech. He became a negative character only in 1990, when he delayed the announcement of the first free elections as much as possible and when it became clear that he did not want a real democratic system.


In general, shortly after that November 1989 issue, "Pogledi" became the most widely circulated political magazine in Yugoslavia, reaching a circulation of 200,000 copies. And formally, we were the first opposition newspaper since 1945.


Who were Marx and Engels, and what is the value of their writings and deeds?


As an economics student, I had to memorize their major work, "Capital", almost by heart. And other books, too, including the "Manifesto of the Communist Party". Which is, by the way, a great example of, as they say today, hate speech.


Practically all of us who have studied Marxism have seen that this ideology has no value. Controversial, or simply stupid things, were ridiculed by the professors themselves. By then, it was already possible.


Marxism is, in essence, a perversion of the principle of abstraction. This principle is applied in every science. It serves to separate the essential from the irrelevant, in order to determine the main currents. Marxism, therefore, takes one or more irrelevant details, and declares them to be not only important, but also crucial. That way, it can "prove" practically everything. Of course, with the help of the secret police, that is, coercion, because, as I said, it was punishable by law to challenge that quasi-religion.


Marxism, for example, proved that life is better in Albania than in Switzerland, not to mention America. America was highlighted in class as an example of a bad country, both externally (imperialism) and internally (oppression and exploitation of "working people and citizens"). Whenever there was talk of America, it was said that there were many murders, many drug addicts, prostitutes, and the like. In fact, I can't even remember what was, beside that, said in the Marxism classes. We have learned, and they have claimed that it has been scientifically proven, that the entire Eastern bloc was better for life than the entire Western world. By 1965, Yugoslavia's borders were closed, as they are today in North Korea. There were no passports (with some exceptions). When the borders were opened, millions fled to Western countries. But, again, when these people came to visit their relatives, they had to say that it was better in Yugoslavia. In the socialist system, everything is a lie, everyone lies to everyone.


One of the main characteristics of Marxism is that it deals with the distribution of social wealth, and not with the questions of how citizens can acquire wealth. Unfortunately, that is still, to a certain extent, a characteristic of leftists around the world.


Fortunately, in the 1980s, they introduced marketing to the faculties of economics, and I opted for that direction. We studied according to the American Philip Kotler. He visited Belgrade 7-8 years ago. He looked much younger to me than I imagined.


I read Karl Popper's book "Open Society" as soon as it was published in Serbian. The difference in relation to Marx and Engels is incredible. That book will last, while for the books of these two, definitely no one is fighting in libraries. With the exceptions of North Korea, Cuba, and China.


Who was Josip Broz Tito? What did the 4th Congress of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in Dresden (1928) bring?


He was a Croat born in the village of Kumrovec, a locksmith's assistant by profession. As an Austro-Hungarian soldier, he took part in the attack on Serbia in 1914. He was a member of the so-called Devil's division, known for war crimes. After the war, he often changed jobs, because he was not very hardworking.


Throughout history, it has been difficult to find a Marxist successful in any profession. Going to Stalin's Soviet Union was crucial for Tito. There were the so-called purges, that is mass murders of their own citizens, declared "enemies of the people". The most common accusations were that someone was a foreign agent, usually from Great Britain or America. At one point, Tito realized that in order to advance, it was "only" necessary to say that someone was a foreign agent. That one would be killed, or sent to a camp in Siberia, and he would advance.


The Dresden Congress was the culmination of a change in communist politics in the Balkans. In the beginning, they have, as everywhere else, claimed that the capitalists oppressed the workers. But, in the elections in the Kingdom of Serbs Croats and Slovenes, the future Yugoslavia, in 1921, it turned out that members of national minorities who hated the country voted for the communists the most. For example, Albanians, who mourned the Turkish occupation, during which they were privileged over the Orthodox, or Hungarians, who mourned the Austro-Hungarian occupation. Thus, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, by order from Moscow, puts the national question in the foreground instead of the class one. At that congress, they proclaimed the right to secession for Albanians and Hungarians, and the disintegration of Yugoslavia in general.


Who was General Dragoljub Draža Mihailović? What was the Yugoslav Army in the Fatherland, also known as the Chetniks, during the WWII? What were their goals and achievements?


He was a Serbian officer, decorated with the highest domestic and foreign decorations in the First and Second Balkan Wars and in the First World War. Between the two world wars, he graduated from the highest military schools in Yugoslavia and France. As a professor at the Military Academy in Belgrade, he promoted the "Chetnik war", that is, the guerrilla war. Earlier, the Chetniks, as special units, had only tactical significance. Mihailović gave them strategic importance, claiming that, when necessary, the entire army should become guerrilla. In particular, he believed that Yugoslavia could not defend itself from Hitler's tanks and planes in the frontal war, and that it should therefore immediately prepare food and ammunition depots in the mountains for the future guerrilla war. His idea was not accepted. But, after the collapse of all fronts, and the surrender of most of the army, in April 1941, he turned his theory into practice. On the mountain Ravna Gora, 80 km south of Belgrade, he formed the Command of the Chetnik detachments of the Yugoslav Army. It was the largest guerrilla in occupied Europe. It bound first four and then several German divisions, as well as several Bulgarian and Italian divisions. Only its sabotage group "Gordon" carried out 1,499 diversions and sabotages on the railways, during the Battle for Africa in 1942 and early 1943. That is, so many diversions and sabotages of this group were counted by the Germans, when they finally destroyed it, at the end of the summer of 1943. I think that is, for one sabotage group, a world record in the entire history.


Another name for the battle is the Battle for Supply. One of the closest routes for supplying German troops in Africa went through Serbia.


In September and October 1943, the Chetniks carried out the largest anti-Axis operation behind the lines of the great fronts. They were attacking the Germans towards the Adriatic Sea, expecting an Allied landing. However, it did not happen, and in the meantime, just at that time, the Western allies transferred support from the Yugoslav Royal Army, and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in general, to the so-called partisans, who were terrorist formations of the illegal CPY. This was the result of the Western Allies' trade with Stalin.


During 1944, the Chetniks rescued over 500 American pilots, who were shot down by the Germans. This is the well-known Halyard Mission today, as the Americans called it. The American ambassador in Belgrade has been regularly coming to the place where the Chetniks built one of the three improvised airports for the evacuation of pilots, in the village of Pranjani near Čačak, for almost 15 years. He comes in gratitude for the rescuing of the Americans.


What were Tito's partisans during the WWII? What were their goals and achievements?


Terrorists. Their goal was to use the war to carry out a communist revolution. They expected that already in the fall of 1941 the Soviet Union would send paratroopers to Yugoslavia, who would defeat the Germans and put them in power. They expected, of course, that the Red Army would defeat the Germans on the Eastern Front in record time. It is interesting that the general public in Serbia still does not know that America sent to the Red Army, across the North Sea, more than 10,000 tanks, planes, trucks, then huge quantities of food, ammunition, etc. without which Hitler's troops would have hardly been beaten in 1943.


However, since the communists, which was already characteristic of that movement, looked at things unrealistically, in 1941 they proclaimed the so-called second phase of the revolution. The first phase is the conquest of power - they thought, therefore, that it was only a matter of days, with the help of Soviet paratroopers - and the second phase means the killing of real and potential enemies of their party. By the end of 1941, they killed at least 1,000 people in Serbia alone, by the rule those who were more rich, more respectable, and more successful. They were often clergy, too.


When they were expelled from here, at the beginning of 1942, they declared the second phase of the revolution in Montenegro and part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, again waiting for the Soviet paratroopers. They killed at least another 1,500 people then. In Herzegovina, they declared that every peasant who had more than two cows or 20 sheep was an exploiter of other peasants and must be killed.


That second phase of the revolution was most successful after the Red Army invaded Serbia in October 1944. After the Red Army tanks put them in power, they killed over 100,000 people in Serbia. One state commission, set up to list communist victims, reached 60,000 listed names, and then its work was obstructed.


As for the combat contribution of the partisans, it was in fact negative. That is, they only bothered the regular Yugoslav army (Chetniks). In two ways: first, by attacking it, and second, by its very existence, because the regular army is obliged to defend the lives of its citizens from terrorists, and also to defend the constitutional order. In a word, the communists diminished the fighting power of the army.


Why was General Mihailović abandoned by the Allies, and how communist Tito came to power in Yugoslavia in 1945? Was there an attempt from the American military mission to General Mihailović to bring him to power instead of Tito?


Because the goal of the Western Allies was to win the war with as few casualties as possible. They were terrified of the massacre from the First World War, they never wanted it to happen again, for their armies to suffer so much. That is why they transferred the main war effort to the Soviet Union. And successfully: while America had 270,000 and Britain 300,000 by the end of the war, the Soviet Union had nine million soldiers killed.


In encouraging Stalin to continue the war, the Western Allies at one point gave him the option of gaining access to the warm seas - the Adriatic Sea, as part of the Mediterranean Sea. Then they started praising Tito and criticizing General Mihailović. During 1944, however, they wanted to leave Yugoslavia in their sphere of Western interest. In that scenario, the communists would go to the polls after the war and, of course, they would be defeated. So that the partisans would remain only one small episode in history. However, Stalin saw through that. In the summer of 1944, he did not honor the agreement with the Western Allies on a simultaneous attack on Berlin. He stopped the attacks on Berlin, and turned south to occupy the Balkan countries. Churchill was shocked and then his urgent departure to Moscow followed, in October 1944, when he managed to save Greece. So, only Greece.


This turn of Stalin towards the Balkans was used by the Germans to launch the so-called Ardennes offensive against the Western Allies. At that time, they inflicted them great losses, as far as I remember, of about 60,000 killed and wounded. The Ardennes were a stain on the plan to minimize their own losses.


Before Churchill went to Moscow, Colonel Dr. Robert McDowell, from the OSS, came to General Mihailović's headquarters. That was at the end of August 1944. His plan was for the Germans in the Balkans to surrender to the Chetniks, so that they would get enough weapons to defeat the communists. Because, in the meantime, the Western allies gave the communists weapons and equipment for about 150,000 people. McDowell negotiated with the Germans and some of their officers agreed to surrender. Only one battalion of American paratroopers was supposed to land to Mihailović. The goal was that the American flags prevent invading of the Red Army. To declare the defeat of the Germans in the Balkans and to say that there was no need for the Red Army to come there. However, already in September 1944, the Red Army began to enter Serbia, and in October, at a meeting in Moscow, Churchill failed to cope with that. Thus, on November 1st 1944, McDowell returned with the job undone.


Was a danger of a communist revolution in the United States after the WWII real? Are there any communist forces in America right now?


It was not. I think it's not even now, but now the communists have a better chance. As an exam question from Marxism, I had the question "Communist Party of America". I remember that its main theorists, and leaders, were Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy. I also know for sure that the CPA headquarters was across from the Serbian Church of St. Sava in New York, Manhattan. It is that huge church, which burned down a few years ago. I know this because the CIA came to the priest and asked him to install wiretapping devices, that is microphones aimed at the building where the communists met. And one of those priests told me that later. They, of course, like almost all Serbs in America, gladly helped everything that was against the communists.


The CPA was funded by the Soviet Union until 1990. They gave them three million dollars a year. Gorbachev abolished it. As foreign agents, and mercenaries, the communists had no chance, even if they received much more money. That's when their chances grow. When they shut down the KPA, they founded several socialist associations and NGOs, got in touch with some controversial wealthy people, like Soros, who finance them, and finally, they got in touch with the Democratic Party. As William Engdahl wrote on the New Eastern Outlook website, all these riots in America, allegedly because of the Coronavirus, are actually the result of communist action. He sees this as an attempt at a communist revolution, with which I agree. Throughout their history, communists have used the difficult situation in a country to carry out a revolution. They did it for the first time in 1871, the so-called Paris Commune, when the French suffered a heavy defeat by the Germans. Then 1905, the first Russian revolution, when Russia lost the war to Japan. Then in 1917, when the Germans sent Lenin, with lots of gold, as the fifth column. I have already mentioned the example of Yugoslavia in 1941.


What do you think about President Trump, and what are your hopes for him?


I hope he wins. God forbid he loses! What worries me is that a number of people in Western countries have a naive, romantic view of communist ideas, or rather slogans. However, it has been proven that everything the communists say is a lie. They simply want to subdue you. If they win in America, America will have the system that North Korea, Cuba and China have today. That means opening a camp for unsuitable citizens, night arrests, mass murders, of course a drop in the standard of living of citizens, a drastic drop.


I am sorry that Serbia does not have such a party as the Republican Party. I think that, professionally speaking, it is the strongest party in the world, in the history of the world. It outlived both Marx and Engels and those other socialists (Hitler's) and who knows what else. It made a great choice with Trump and I believe that he will win once again. In short, I do not believe that the Democratic Party can overpower the Republican. Especially now that the Democratic Party has gone too far to the left, reaching the threshold of the communist revolution. Besides, I would like to remind you that the communist revolution has never succeeded in history without help from another country. In the case of America, there is no that other country.



https://conservativehardliner.com/interview-serbian-journalist-and-historian-miloslav-samardzic-foundations-communist-ideology


If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

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„Дара из Јасеновца” први српски филм у трци за Златни глобус / „Dara iz Jasenovca” prvi srpski film u trci za Zlatni globus / "Politika" Dec. 1, 2020

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Politika

Dec. 1, 2020

„Дара из Јасеновца” први српски филм у трци за Златни глобус.

Детаљ са снимања филма "Дара из Јасеновца" (Видео исечак)


Филм „Дара из Јасеновца” у режији Предрага Гаге Антонијевића по сценарију Наташе Дракулић, српски кандидат за Оскара, амерички дистрибутери кандидовали су и за награду Златни глобус, саопштили су продуценти.

Селекциона комисија Златног глобуса прихватила је кандидатуру овог филма за све категорије, а не само за најбољи страни филм, а мала глумица Биљана Чекић кандидована је за најбољу женску улогу, раме уз раме са највећим холивудским именима.

„Ово је велико признање за филм 'Дара из Јасеновца', као и за српску кинематографију која доживљава свој повратак на светску позорницу'', саопштио је продуцент филма Макса Ћатовић.

Снимана на основу аутентичних сведочанстава преживелих логораша, „Дара из Јасеновца”, драма и први играни филм на тему хрватског усташког логора Јасеновац у Другом светском рату, осврће се на период 1942. године када после велике усташко-немачке офанзиве на Козари, у Босни и Херцеговини, локално становништво масовно завршава у концентрационим логорима.

Водеће улоге у филму играју глумци из Републике Српске Ања Станић Илић, Златан Видовић, Николина Фригановић, Сандра Љубојевић, Жељко Еркић и Горан Јокић, док су глумачку екипу из Србије чинили Марко Јанкетић, Игор Ђорђевић, Наташа Нинковић, Бојан Жировић, Јово Максић, Радослав Рале Миленковић, Вук Костић, Татјана Кецман, Петар Зекавица, Јелена Грујчић, Богдан Богдановић и многи други, преноси Танјуг.

У главној улози девојчице Даре нашла се Биљана Чекић, а остале улоге најмлађих заробљеника поверене су Марку Пипићу, Николи Радуљу, Рајку Лукачу, Анђели Јањић, Ангелини Доцић, Луки, Јакову и Симону Шарановићу.

Први део филма сниман је на локацији села Колут, у близини Сомбора, где је за потребе снимања зграда старе циглане са управним објектом претворена у злогласни логор Јасеновац, а други део на локалитетима Беле Цркве. Сценограф је Горан Јоксимовић.


http://www.politika.rs/scc/clanak/467920/Dara-iz-Jasenovca-prvi-srpski-film-u-trci-za-Zlatni-globus

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Politika

Dec. 1, 2020

„Dara iz Jasenovca” prvi srpski film u trci za Zlatni globus.

Детаљ са снимања филма "Дара из Јасеновца" (Видео исечак)


Film „Dara iz Jasenovca” u režiji Predraga Gage Antonijevića po scenariju Nataše Drakulić, srpski kandidat za Oskara, američki distributeri kandidovali su i za nagradu Zlatni globus, saopštili su producenti.

Selekciona komisija Zlatnog globusa prihvatila je kandidaturu ovog filma za sve kategorije, a ne samo za najbolji strani film, a mala glumica Biljana Čekić kandidovana je za najbolju žensku ulogu, rame uz rame sa najvećim holivudskim imenima.

„Ovo je veliko priznanje za film 'Dara iz Jasenovca', kao i za srpsku kinematografiju koja doživljava svoj povratak na svetsku pozornicu'', saopštio je producent filma Maksa Ćatović.

Snimana na osnovu autentičnih svedočanstava preživelih logoraša, „Dara iz Jasenovca”, drama i prvi igrani film na temu hrvatskog ustaškog logora Jasenovac u Drugom svetskom ratu, osvrće se na period 1942. godine kada posle velike ustaško-nemačke ofanzive na Kozari, u Bosni i Hercegovini, lokalno stanovništvo masovno završava u koncentracionim logorima.

Vodeće uloge u filmu igraju glumci iz Republike Srpske Anja Stanić Ilić, Zlatan Vidović, Nikolina Friganović, Sandra Ljubojević, Željko Erkić i Goran Jokić, dok su glumačku ekipu iz Srbije činili Marko Janketić, Igor Đorđević, Nataša Ninković, Bojan Žirović, Jovo Maksić, Radoslav Rale Milenković, Vuk Kostić, Tatjana Kecman, Petar Zekavica, Jelena Grujčić, Bogdan Bogdanović i mnogi drugi, prenosi Tanjug.

U glavnoj ulozi devojčice Dare našla se Biljana Čekić, a ostale uloge najmlađih zarobljenika poverene su Marku Pipiću, Nikoli Radulju, Rajku Lukaču, Anđeli Janjić, Angelini Docić, Luki, Jakovu i Simonu Šaranoviću.

Prvi deo filma sniman je na lokaciji sela Kolut, u blizini Sombora, gde je za potrebe snimanja zgrada stare ciglane sa upravnim objektom pretvorena u zloglasni logor Jasenovac, a drugi deo na lokalitetima Bele Crkve. Scenograf je Goran Joksimović.


http://www.politika.rs/sr/clanak/467920/Dara-iz-Jasenovca-prvi-srpski-film-u-trci-za-Zlatni-globus


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

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Serbian Oscar Bid "Dara in Jasenovac" Enters Distribution in USA [On Friday February 5, 2021] / "Film New Europe" Feb. 3, 2021

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filmneweurope.com

By Zoran Janković

February 3, 2021


Dara in Jasenovac by Predrag AntonijevićSource: Film Center Serbia

Serbian Oscar Bid "Dara in Jasenovac" Enters Distribution in USA

BELGRADE: Dara in Jasenovac / Dara iz Jasenovca, Serbia’s bid for the 2021 Oscars in the best international feature film category, will enter cinema distribution in the USA on 5 February 2021. The WWII drama directed by Predrag Antonijević will be distributed by Studio 101.

This feature, based on testimonies of survivors, is the story of a little girl (Dara) who is sent to the Holocaust extermination camp of Jasenovac, one of the Croatian fascist organisation Ustaše's concentration camps, where the Serbs were sent after the Kozara Mountain Offensive.

Dara in Jasenovac / Dara iz Jasenovca is an entirely Serbian production, produced by Dandelion Production Inc in coproduction with Film Danas and Komuna. It was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia and Film Center Serbia.

The script was written by Nataša Drakulić. The film’s DoP is Miloš Kodemo. The key characters are played by Biljana Čekić, Anja Stanić Ilić, Zlatan Vidović, Nikolina Friganović, Nataša Ninković, Vuk Kostić, Marko Janketić, Igor Đorđević, Tatjana Kecman, Bojan Žirović, and Jovo Maksić. The film was produced by Predrag Antonijević and Maksa Ćatović.

The distribution in Serbia is set for 22 April 2021. The local distributor is MCF Megacom Film. The film was originally set to premiere in early 2020 to mark the 75th anniversary of the escape of prisoners from the camp. It was postponed to October, and then postponed a second time due to the COVID-19 pandemic.


https://www.filmneweurope.com/news/serbia-news/item/121291-serbian-oscar-bid-dara-in-jasenovac-enters-distribution-in-usa#:~:text=BELGRADE%3A%20Dara%20in%20Jasenovac%20%2F%20Dara,be%20distributed%20by%20Studio%20101.


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

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VIDEO / "DARA OF JASENOVAC" [Film] | Official Trailer | 101 Studios / January 2021

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"DARA OF JASENOVAC" [Film] | Official Trailer | 101 Studios

"Predrag Peter Antonijević's Dara Iz Jasenovca (Dara of Jasenovac) - Serbia’s official submission for the 2020-21 Academy Awards. Now playing in select theaters.

"Set in 1940s Croatia, DARA OF JASENOVAC tells story of young Dara who comes face-to-face with the horrors of the Holocaust era after she, her mother and siblings are sent to the concentration camp complex known as Jasenovac. Considered one of the most overlooked parts of history, Jasenovac is run by the fascist Ustase who brutally murdered Jews, Serb and Roma people, which included many children. As unspeakable atrocities start to unfold, Dara must summon tremendous courage to protect her infant brother from a terrible fate while she safeguards her own survival and plots a precarious path towards freedom."


Directed by: Predrag Peter “Gaga” Antonijević

Cast: Biljana Čekić, Zlatan Vidovic, Nikolina Friganović, Igor Đorđević, Nataša Ninković and Anja Stanić


Follow us @DaraTheFilm

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DARA OF JASENOVAC | Official Trailer | 101 Studios

Posted on You Tube by "101 Studios"

January 18, 2021



https://youtu.be/7RDs2Vuw_AQ


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****

PETITION / PETICIJA / Help stop hate speech - The Los Angeles Times denies WWII genocide [Dara of Jasenovac]

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A Review or REFUTE of History? (NA SRPSKOM DOLE)

[By Juliana Pandurević]

To Robert Abele and the Los Angeles Times,

On Thursday, February 4th, [2021] your review of ‘Dara of Jasenovac’, titled as “A Holocaust Drama with an Agenda” was published. 

You begin by accusing the film of having a thin veneer of historical reality that “will test the patience of even the most rigorous students of cultural representations of genocide.” In this opening statement you make quite clear your agenda for this article; not to review a film based on a detailed analysis and assessment of the film – which you have every right to do – but to engage in historical revisionism and genocide denial. The reason we can make this claim is because you spend most of your article denying war crimes that, at this point, are common knowledge and not something anyone can legitimately refute.

Before presenting some basic facts about Jasenovac, I would like to share a deeply personal experience from my childhood. One of my earliest memories is sitting with my grandfather as he told me what happened to his family in what is known as “The Glina Massacres.” As you demonstrate to know, the Ustashe, led by Ante Pavelić, established a pro-Nazi government with Adolf Hitler's support shortly after the invasion of Yugoslavia, ruling an enlarged “Independent State of Croatia (NDH)”. The Ustashe’s racial policy towards Serbs was “kill a third, expel a third, convert a third.” The creator of this policy was Mile Budak, a high-ranking NDH official and one of the chief ideologists of the Croatian fascist Ustasha movement. To note, this movement began long before the creation of the NDH.

The policy was put into effect immediately. Hundreds of prominent Serbs from the Krajina region of Croatia were arrested and shot by Ustashe soldiers. The majority of the Serb population went into hiding. The Ustashe responded by offering an amnesty to Serbs if they converted to Roman Catholicism. Many Serbs, wanting to spare their families' lives, responded and turned up at the Serbian Orthodox church in Glina. The exact numbers are disputed, but, just to note, the Nuremberg Trials heard that 250 had arrived at the church. The Serbs were herded inside and the doors of the church were locked shut after the last had entered. The Ustashe massacred everyone using clubs and knives. The bodies were taken by trucks to a burial pit, and the church was then burned down. 

Words cannot describe the way I felt after hearing this story for the first time. I had never seen my grandfather cry until that day. 

The following are some basic facts about Jasenovac: 

Jasenovac, known as “The Auschwitz of the Balkans”, was a concentration and extermination camp where, according to the Jewish Virtual Library, an estimated 700,000 people were killed. The Jasenovac Research Institute estimates between 300,000-700,000 and the former director of the Belgrade Museum of the Holocaust, Milan Bulajić, estimated the total deaths at 500,000 to 700,000. Other organizations estimate smaller numbers, but there is no need to engage in a political debate about the number of deaths. That is not what this petition is about. The focus here are your actions.

For example, you stated in your article that the “massive Jasenovac complex of camps was one more hell on Earth for Jews. But what director Peter Antonijević’s epic of barbarism and sentimentality wants to drive home is that the annihilation of ethnic Serbs was the real focus, and that children got their own camp.” Clearly you have done some research on the subject. However, the majority of victims were Serbs (as part of the Genocide of the Serbs), but also included Jews, Roma, and some political dissidents. Therefore the annihilation of ethnic Serbs was the real focus of the Ustashe. It is evident that you intentionally disavowed Serb (and other) victims. In doing so, you engaged in genocide denial.

Furthermore, there was a separate camp for children in the NDH. In fact, there were many. Most children were held at the Stara Gradiška camp within the Jasenovac complex. It was specifically designed for women and children. Other children were held at associated camps in Jablanac and Mlaka, while others were also held in other Ustashe concentration camps for children in the NDH (such as Sisak and Jastrebarsko). By rejecting these facts in your review, you are abnegating genocide and the trauma of an entire nation.

As the film’s release poster reads, “the human spirit will not be erased.” It is because of people like Dara in the movie, that Serbs have the strength to walk in grace and defend our history against people like yourself who are ignorant and neglectful in your journalistic and personal practises. 

On behalf of the Serbian diaspora, I, Juliana Pandurević, and all who have signed this petition, implore you to remove this publication for its historical revisionism and denial of genocide. 

NA SRPSKOM: 

Pregled ili opovrgavanje istorije?

Započinjete optuživanjem filma da ima tanki sloj istorijske stvarnosti koji će "testirati strpljenje čak i najrigoroznijih učenika kulturnih predstava o genocidu". U ovoj uvodnoj reči sasvim ste jasno istakli svoj dnevni red za ovaj članak; ne da pregledate film na osnovu detaljne analize i procene filma - na šta imate svako pravo - već da se uključite u istorijski revizionizam i poricanje genocida. Razlog zbog kojeg možemo izneti ovu tvrdnju je taj što veći deo svog članka trošite negirajući ratne zločine koji su u ovom trenutku opštepoznati i nisu nešto što bilo ko može legitimno opovrgnuti.

Pre nego što iznesem neke osnovne činjenice o Jasenovcu, želela bih da podelim duboko lično iskustvo iz detinjstva. Jedno od mojih najranijih sećanja je sedenje sa dedom dok mi je pričao šta se dogodilo sa njegovom porodicom u onome što je poznato kao "masakr u Glini". Kao što znate, ustaše, predvođene Antom Pavelićem, uspostavile su pro-nacističku vladu uz podršku Adolfa Hitlera ubrzo nakon invazije na Jugoslaviju, vladajući proširenom "Nezavisnom Državom Hrvatskom (NDH)". Ustaška rasna politika prema Srbima bila je "trećinu ubiti, trećinu proterati, trećinu pokrstiti". Tvorac ove politike bio je Mile Budak, visoki funkcioner NDH i jedan od glavnih ideologa hrvatskog fašističkog ustaškog pokreta. Da primetimo, ovaj pokret započeo je mnogo pre stvaranja NDH.

Politika je odmah stupila na snagu. Stotine istaknutih Srba iz krajiške regije Hrvatske uhapsili su i streljali ustaški vojnici. Većina srpskog stanovništva se sakrila. Ustaše su odgovorile nudeći amnestiju Srbima ako su prešli na rimokatoličanstvo. Mnogi Srbi, želeći da poštede život svoje porodice, odazvali su se i pojavili se u Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi u Glini. Tačni brojevi su sporni, ali samo da napomenem, Nirnberški proces je čuo da je 250 stiglo u crkvu. Srbi su zatrpani unutra i vrata crkve su zaključana nakon što su poslednji ušli. Ustaše su masakrirale sve koristeći palice i noževe. Tela su kamionima odvezena u jamu, a crkva je potom spaljena.

Reči ne mogu opisati način na koji sam se osećala nakon što sam prvi put čula ovu priču.Nikad nisam videla svog dedu da plače do tog dana.

Slede neke osnovne činjenice o Jasenovcu: 

Jasenovac, poznat kao "Aušvic Balkana", bio je koncentracioni logor i logor za uništavanje u kome je, prema Jevrejskoj virtuelnoj biblioteci, ubijeno oko 700 000 ljudi. Istraživački institut Jasenovac procenjuje između 300.000-700.000, a bivši direktor beogradskog Muzeja holokausta Milan Bulajić procenio je ukupnu smrtnost na 500.000 do 700.000. Druge organizacije procenjuju manji broj, ali nema potrebe da se uključuje u političku raspravu o broju umrlih. O tome se ne radi u ovoj peticiji. Fokus ovde su vaše akcije.

Na primer, u svom članku ste izjavili da je "masivni kompleks logora Jasenovac bio još jedan pakao na Zemlji za Jevreje. Ali ono što epsko delo o varvarstvu i sentimentalnosti reditelja Predraga Antonijevića želi da prikaže jeste da je uništavanje etničkih Srba bilo pravi fokus i da su deca imala svoj logor." Jasno je da ste napravili neko istraživanje na tu temu. Međutim, većinu žrtava činili su Srbi (kao deo genocida nad Srbima), ali takođe su bili Jevreji, Romi i neki politički neistomišljenici. Stoga je uništavanje etničkih Srba bilo pravi fokus ustaša. Čini se sasvim očiglednim da ste namerno odbacili srpske (i druge) žrtve. Čineći to, uključili ste se u poricanje genocida.

Dalje, u NDH je postojao zaseban kamp za decu. Zapravo ih je bilo mnogo. Većina dece je držana u logoru Stara Gradiška u okviru kompleksa Jasenovac. Bio je posebno dizajniran za žene i decu. Ostala deca držana su u pridruženim logorima u Jablancu i Mlaki, dok su druga bila držana u drugim ustaškim koncentracijskim logorima za djecu u NDH (poput Siska i Jastrebarskog). Odbacujući ove činjenice u svojoj recenziji, vi odbacujete genocid i traumu čitave nacije.

Kako stoji na posteru filma, "ljudski duh neće biti izbrisan". Upravo zbog ljudi poput Dare u filmu, Srbi imaju snage da koračaju u milosti i brane našu istoriju od ljudi poput vas koji su neuki i zanemarljivi u vašoj novinarskoj i ličnoj praksi.

U ime srpske dijaspore, ja, Juliana Pandurević, i svi koji smo potpisali ovu peticiju, molim vas da uklonite ovu publikaciju zbog njenog istorijskog revizionizma i poricanja genocida.


PETITION:

www.change.org/justicefordara


https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/movies/story/2021-02-04/review-dara-jasenovac-holocaust-drama-serbia


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravngagora@hotmail.com

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SPECIAL IMAGES...O.S.S. Captain Nick and wife Mira Lalich, with George "Guv" Musulin 1952 in Greece/ Heroes of the Halyard Mission Rescue Operation of WWII

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O.S.S. Captain Nick Lalich, wife Mira, and George "Guv" Musulin - 1952 Greece.
Lalich Archives.


"TIME...FLIES...BY...Greece circa 1952. Seventy years ago. My Mama Mira surrounded by her CIA bodyguards, Mr. Nick Lalich and Mr. George "Guv" Musulin. The Three Musketeers. Happy New Year 2022! Photo from the Archives of Nick Lalich"


Courtesy of Captain Nick Lalich's daughter, Stephanie Lalich Adams, who has made it her mission to share her father's legacy with the world...


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

*****


Чича Дража још није добио улицу у Крагујевцу / Čiča Draža još nije dobio ulicu u Kragujevcu / "Politika" Nov. 5, 2019

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Politika
November 5, 2019
Аутор: Бране Карталовић

Чича Дража још није добио улицу у Крагујевцу

У МЗ „Десимировац” кажу да су само примили к знању предлог групе житеља тог села, али да коначну одлуку тек треба да донесе градска комисија за доделу назива улицама.


Панорама Крагујевца (Фото Б. Карталовић)


Kрагујевац – Вест која се у недељу по подне појавила на многим српским и међународним порталима, изгледа – није тачна: Драгољуб Дража Михаиловић, командант Југословенске краљевске војске (у отаџбини) није добио улицу у Крагујевцу.
Информацију о успеху иницијативе Покрета обнове Краљевине Србије („одметнути” чланови Српског покрета обнове), којом се та политичка организација похвалила једном медију, јуче је демантовала Информативна служба Скупштине града Крагујевца, која нам је саопштила да је реч о предлогу месне заједнице „Десимировац”.
Међутим, изгледа да ни та информација није сасвим тачна, будући да су нам у МЗ „Десимировац” казали да су они само примили к знању предлог једне групе житеља тог села, напомињући да коначну одлуку о покренутој иницијативи тек треба да донесе надлежна градска комисија за доделу имена улицама на територији града Крагујевца.
Била је једна група људи у Десимировцу која је предложила да се њихова улица назове по Дражи Михаиловићу, а ми смо, као руководство месне заједнице, само формално то прихватили, јер је у нашем селу било и мишљења да та иницијатива није примерена. Званично, никаква одлука тим поводом није донета. О томе тек треба да се изјасни надлежна градска комисија на територији града Крагујевца. Све је то сада на вишем нивоу – изјавио је за „Политику” председник МЗ „Десимировац” Милутин Милојевић.


Dragoljub Draza Mihailovic
Према наводима бројних електронских медија који су се огласили у недељу по подне, Покрет обнове краљевине Србије је тог дана „славодобитно” саопштио да је њихову иницијативу подржао градски парламент, нагласивши да је Крагујевац, том одлуком, постао „први већи град у Србији чија је једна улица добила назив по ђенералу Михаиловићу”.
Крагујевачка скупштина је прихватила иницијативу Покрета обнове Краљевине Србије, па је тиме, након судске, извршена и морална рехабилитација једног од најзначајнијих историјских личности Србије. Очекујемо да тим путем крену и други градови – изјава је заменика председника ПОКС-а Мирка Чикириза коју су пренели многи портали, не само национални.
Занимљиво је да ни запослени у МЗ „Десимировац”, са којима смо јуче разговарали пре него што смо добили изjаву председника тог органа локалне самоуправе, уопште нису чули да је први герилац у Другом светском рату добио улицу у том селу. Они су још додали да немају појма о чему је реч, јер су у месну заједницу упућени пре месец дана.
Вест да је Чича Дража добио улицу у Крагујевцу покренула је лавину коментара на друштвеним мрежама. Једни су поручивали да „улицу у граду црвеног барјака сада треба да добију Недић и љотићавац Марисав Петровић”, а други су затражили да се маршалу Јосипу Брозу Титу, вођи другог антифашистичког покрета – „врати његова улица”.


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Politika
November 5, 2019
Autor: Brane Kartalović

Čiča Draža još nije dobio ulicu u Kragujevcu

U MZ „Desimirovac” kažu da su samo primili k znanju predlog grupe žitelja tog sela, ali da konačnu odluku tek treba da donese gradska komisija za dodelu naziva ulicama.


Панорама Крагујевца (Фото Б. Карталовић)

Kragujevac – Vest koja se u nedelju po podne pojavila na mnogim srpskim i međunarodnim portalima, izgleda – nije tačna: Dragoljub Draža Mihailović, komandant Jugoslovenske kraljevske vojske (u otadžbini) nije dobio ulicu u Kragujevcu.

Informaciju o uspehu inicijative Pokreta obnove Kraljevine Srbije („odmetnuti” članovi Srpskog pokreta obnove), kojom se ta politička organizacija pohvalila jednom mediju, juče je demantovala Informativna služba Skupštine grada Kragujevca, koja nam je saopštila da je reč o predlogu mesne zajednice „Desimirovac”.


Međutim, izgleda da ni ta informacija nije sasvim tačna, budući da su nam u MZ „Desimirovac” kazali da su oni samo primili k znanju predlog jedne grupe žitelja tog sela, napominjući da konačnu odluku o pokrenutoj inicijativi tek treba da donese nadležna gradska komisija za dodelu imena ulicama na teritoriji grada Kragujevca.


Bila je jedna grupa ljudi u Desimirovcu koja je predložila da se njihova ulica nazove po Draži Mihailoviću, a mi smo, kao rukovodstvo mesne zajednice, samo formalno to prihvatili, jer je u našem selu bilo i mišljenja da ta inicijativa nije primerena. Zvanično, nikakva odluka tim povodom nije doneta. O tome tek treba da se izjasni nadležna gradska komisija na teritoriji grada Kragujevca. Sve je to sada na višem nivou – izjavio je za „Politiku” predsednik MZ „Desimirovac” Milutin Milojević.



Dragoljub Draza Mihailovic

Prema navodima brojnih elektronskih medija koji su se oglasili u nedelju po podne, Pokret obnove kraljevine Srbije je tog dana „slavodobitno” saopštio da je njihovu inicijativu podržao gradski parlament, naglasivši da je Kragujevac, tom odlukom, postao „prvi veći grad u Srbiji čija je jedna ulica dobila naziv po đeneralu Mihailoviću”.
Kragujevačka skupština je prihvatila inicijativu Pokreta obnove Kraljevine Srbije, pa je time, nakon sudske, izvršena i moralna rehabilitacija jednog od najznačajnijih istorijskih ličnosti Srbije. Očekujemo da tim putem krenu i drugi gradovi – izjava je zamenika predsednika POKS-a Mirka Čikiriza koju su preneli mnogi portali, ne samo nacionalni.
Zanimljivo je da ni zaposleni u MZ „Desimirovac”, sa kojima smo juče razgovarali pre nego što smo dobili izjavu predsednika tog organa lokalne samouprave, uopšte nisu čuli da je prvi gerilac u Drugom svetskom ratu dobio ulicu u tom selu. Oni su još dodali da nemaju pojma o čemu je reč, jer su u mesnu zajednicu upućeni pre mesec dana.
Vest da je Čiča Draža dobio ulicu u Kragujevcu pokrenula je lavinu komentara na društvenim mrežama. Jedni su poručivali da „ulicu u gradu crvenog barjaka sada treba da dobiju Nedić i ljotićavac Marisav Petrović”, a drugi su zatražili da se maršalu Josipu Brozu Titu, vođi drugog antifašističkog pokreta – „vrati njegova ulica”.


http://www.politika.rs/sr/clanak/441299/Cica-Draza-jos-nije-dobio-ulicu-u-Kragujevcu


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If you would like to get in touch with me, Aleksandra, please feel free to contact me at ravnagora@hotmail.com

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